The Power of Sound: Rethinking the Invention of the Korean Vernacular Script Open Access

Abstract

Scholars have long debated the original motivations behind the invention of the Korean vernacular script, emphasizing both vernacular and phonological functions. However, less attention has been given to its role in regulating oral and aural engagement with the written word, a feature that profoundly influenced both individual and societal interaction with texts. This article investigates how the new script facilitated control over the auditory dimension of writing and explores the broader implications of this control for governance. By standardizing Sino-Korean readings and transcribing Chinese vernacular pronunciations, the script recognized the significance of accurate vocalization for reading Confucian classics and enhancing diplomatic communication with China. This ultimately legitimized Chosŏn as a Confucian state and a genuine member of the Ming imperial order. Moreover, the script had a crucial role in enabling the oral performance and auditory reception of court-sponsored glossed texts and literary works, thereby increasing the effectiveness of these texts in conveying court-approved political, ideological, and religious messages. Finally, challenging the prevailing view that the script primarily aimed to promote universal literacy, this article argues that its true purpose lay in facilitating oral delivery and auditory comprehension, thereby extending the reach and impact of written knowledge in Chosŏn society.

The invention of the Korean vernacular script, officially promulgated as “the correct sounds for the instruction of the people” (hunmin chŏngŭm 訓民正音) in 1446, marked a transformative moment in the history of Korean written and literary culture. Scholarly interest has long centered on unraveling the motivations and intentions behind the creation of this script, with considerable effort dedicated to understanding the driving factors that led King Sejong 世宗 (r. 1418–1450) to undertake this linguistic initiative.

A dominant narrative that continues to resonate both within and beyond academic circles positions the Korean script as a landmark of national achievement, symbolizing Korea's cultural autonomy from China. This perspective emerged in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century when progressive intellectuals such as Yu Kilchun 兪吉濬 (1856–1914), Sŏ Chaep'il 徐載弼 (1864–1951), and Chu Sigyŏng 周時經 (1876–1914) elevated the Korean script to a symbol of national pride, independence, and progress (King 1998: 63). Similarly, Yi Kwangsu 李光洙 (1892–1950), in his influential essay Munhak iran ha o? (What is literature?) of 1916, heralded the invention of the vernacular script as the true commencement of Korean literature, criticizing subsequent generations’ adherence to Sinitic literature for its perceived stagnation (Yi K. 1916: 554). Postcolonial perspectives, exemplified by Ch'oe Hyŏnbae 崔鉉培 (1894–1970), further solidified this nationalistic interpretation, depicting the Korean script as triumphing over sinographs and fulfilling its ordained mission as “an independent means of expression for the Korean language and thought” (Ch'oe 1946: 6). However, scholars like Yi Sungnyŏng 李崇寧 (1908–1994) have already criticized this nationalistic narrative, challenging the notion that the creation of the Korean alphabet primarily signified cultural emancipation. Instead, Yi (1958) highlights its original purpose as a tool for reforming the pronunciation of sinographs, positioning the phonological reform as the script's main purpose and arguing that the vernacular function of representing the Korean language emerged as a by-product of these phonological studies.

The multifaceted nature of the vernacular script's intended uses has spurred ongoing scholarly debate, with more recent scholarship endeavoring to reconcile its diverse functions beyond its role as a national symbol or foundation of vernacular literature. Scholars such as Gari Keith Ledyard (1998: 133) advocate for a balanced interpretation, suggesting that King Sejong could have had in mind both purposes, vernacular and phonological. Young-Key Kim-Renaud (2000: 15) posits that the script aimed to provide a simple means for recording both Korean and Sino-Korean, while Kang Sinhang (2003: 15) identifies three distinct objectives: serving as a script for the Korean language, standardizing the pronunciation of sinographs, and transcribing foreign languages. Kim Sŭrong (2009: 48) similarly acknowledges the script's multipurpose nature, distinguishing between its vernacular and phonological objectives.

Scholars have thus faced the challenge of reconciling the seemingly conflicting purposes assigned to the newly created script. Studies focusing on the script's vernacular dimension highlight how it improved vernacular literature by moving beyond the reliance on Literary Sinitic and less efficient vernacular transcription systems. These studies also recognize the potential of the new script to educate the illiterate masses by giving them an easy-to-learn alphabet. Conversely, studies exploring the new script's phonological aspect emphasize King Sejong's goal of developing a standardized Sino-Korean pronunciation for sinographs. This line of inquiry also notes the script's versatility and cross-cultural communication potential, particularly its utility in transcribing vernacular Chinese and other foreign languages. However, amidst these varied interpretations, the fundamental purpose of the script as a tool for vocalizing the written word and the significance of this newfound control over the auditory dimension of writing for governance has been somewhat overlooked.

In early Chosŏn written culture, oral recitation was integral to memorizing, performing, and disseminating texts, predating the vernacular script. The Buddhist textual tradition, for example, has a long history of oral transmission (Mair 1994: 714). In the Confucian tradition, the practice of “reading out loud” (du song 讀誦), emphasized by the Song dynasty scholar Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), was particularly influential (Oh 2013: 14–33). Vocalizing Sinitic texts became a core component of the Chosŏn state's neo-Confucian ideology, fostering a distinctive “sound of learning” associated with the Confucian classics (Park 2019: 132). Accurate pronunciation was also essential for studying foreign languages, especially spoken Chinese, through textbooks and glossaries (Song 2001: 56–65). Key court-sponsored publications, such as the Samgang haengsil to 三綱行實圖 (Illustrated examples of conduct according to the three relations, 1434), relied on a “mediated reading” practice to make the content accessible to a wider audience, involving a literate person reading and explaining the book to those who were unable to read (Oh 2013: 78). Furthermore, state rituals often featured the ceremonial reading aloud of texts, such as memorials, imperial edicts, written invocations, jade books, and seals (Volpe 2023: 254–58).

In contemporary times, understanding a written culture so closely connected to orality and performance can be challenging. Today, reading and writing are primarily visual activities, but in Chosŏn Korea, as in other premodern societies, the written word was deeply rooted in the auditory realm. A useful analogy can be drawn with musical literacy. As M. T. Clanchy notes in the context of medieval England, reading was primarily an auditory experience, with texts intended to be heard rather than silently read, similar to how musical notation represents sounds that must be performed. Clanchy (1993: 285) writes, “The paper text of the music is not felt to be a substitute for its performance, even though an expert reader may hear the music in his mind. Like musical notation, medieval letter script was understood to represent sounds needing hearing.”

This perspective resonates with Chosŏn Korea. I argue that, in a written and literary culture where vocalization was integral to reading, the vernacular script's primary objective was to facilitate and regulate oral and aural engagement with written material, transcending the binary categorization of vernacular versus phonological functions. This newfound control over sound was grounded in a carefully constructed philosophical framework to advance a political agenda, providing the ruling dynasty with a powerful tool for shaping ideological thought, influencing religious devotion, improving diplomatic relations with China, enhancing the efficacy of court-sponsored literary endeavors, and strengthening internal governance.

The Correct Sounds to Learn the Way

The first documented application of the newly devised vernacular script commenced with Chinese phonological research, notably through the “translation” of the Gujin yunhui juyao 古今韻會擧要 (K. Kogŭm unhoe kŏyo, Abridged collection of rimes ancient and modern; hereafter referred to as Yunhui), a Yuan-era Chinese rime dictionary compiled by Xiong Zhong 熊忠 (?–?) and printed in 1297.¹ The term yŏk 譯 (translation) used in connection with this project denoted not a translation from one language into another but, rather, a transcription of sinographs’ pronunciations using the vernacular script.²

The assignment of this project was delegated to six scholars, primarily affiliated with the Chiphyŏnjŏn 集賢殿 (Hall of Worthies), most of whom were recent entrants to the institution.³ Oversight of the project was entrusted to three of King Sejong's sons: the crown prince (later King Munjong 文宗, r. 1450–1452), Prince Chinyang 晉陽大君 (1417–1468) (later King Sejo 世祖, r. 1455–1468), and Prince Anp'yŏng 安平大君 (1418–1453). However, this initiative sparked dissent among other Chiphyŏnjŏn scholars. In a protest memorial promptly submitted to the king by Ch'oe Malli 崔萬理 (?–1445) and other institute members just a few days after its assignment, objections were raised against utilizing the new script for editing Chinese rime dictionaries (unsŏ 韻書).⁴ Sejong addressed this point in discussions following the memorial, underscoring the critics’ unfamiliarity with rime dictionaries and phonology and emphasizing the necessity of editing these dictionaries.⁵

Though no further mention of the Yunhui is recorded, it likely contributed to compiling the Tongguk chŏngun 東國正韻 (The correct rimes of the eastern country) in 1447. This dictionary, aimed to set a standard Sino-Korean pronunciation of sinographs, was completed in the ninth month of 1447 and then distributed among the different provinces (to 道), the State Academy (Sŏnggyun'gwan 成均館), and the Four Schools (Sa Pu Haktang 四部學堂) of the capital in the tenth month of 1448.⁶ A complete edition is presently preserved at Konkuk University Library, Seoul, comprising six volumes with a preface (sŏ 序) authored by Sin Sukchu 申叔舟 (1417–1475) and an index (mongnok 目錄) categorizing ninety-one rimes into twenty-six sets.⁷ The Tongguk chŏngun authors overlapped with those assigned to the Yunhui project, indicating a connection between the two endeavors, also evident in their similar character organization systems (Kang 2003: 68–69). This connection suggests that the interest in the Yunhui was part of a larger project to establish the correct Sino-Korean pronunciation of sinographs. As pointed out by Ledyard (1998: 372), research on existing Chinese rime dictionaries was probably considered necessary to assess how the actual Sino-Korean pronunciations differed, and the systematic character arrangement of the Yunhui facilitated this investigation.

The Tongguk chŏngun's pronunciations were not solely derived from existing Chinese rime dictionaries but also from collecting and analyzing prevalent pronunciations among Korean speakers. Sin Sukchu's preface emphasizes this comprehensive approach, aiming to reconcile widely used pronunciations with traditional rimes and meticulously considering various linguistic elements to ensure correctness:

This combined analysis resulted in what has been defined as a theoretical construct, offering a compromise between Chinese rime tables and current Sino-Korean readings. For instance, the Tongguk chŏngun significantly reduced the number of initial consonants from traditional Chinese rime tables and dictionaries by presenting only 23 character mothers and 91 rimes, whereas traditional Song Chinese sources typically recognize 36 character mothers and 206 rimes (Lee and Ramsey 2011: 127). Additionally, the Tongguk chŏngun organized characters by rime set rather than tone. As observed by Ledyard (1997: 49), it would have been the tone that Chosŏn learners needed to know in many cases. Therefore, grouping all characters differing only in tone together in one place made this research easier to conduct.

What was the reason behind and aim of this complex phonological project that started with the Yunhui and concluded with the Tongguk chŏngun? The Tongguk chŏngun's preface clarifies how its compilation stemmed from recognizing the confusing state of Korean sinograph pronunciations. Correcting this situation was imperative to prevent irreversible deterioration, especially in Confucian text transmission:

It is natural to question why the absence of a “correct” way of pronunciation caused so much concern. In theory, the meaning of sinographs did not rely on their pronunciations, and a text could be read and understood regardless of how it was pronounced. However, linguistic policy and Confucian ideal governance have always had a strong relationship. In China, the new ruling dynasties would often create standardized rime dictionaries to establish imperial authority (Sim 2013: 15). During the Ming dynasty, this phonological ideology led to the compilation of the Hongwu zhengyun 洪武正韻 (The standard rimes of the Hongwu reign), which was a standardized rime dictionary. As pointed out by Young Kyun Oh (2013: 146–48), to be considered a legitimate member of the Ming-Chinese imperial order according to Confucian literary philosophy, it was necessary for Chosŏn to standardize the Sino-Korean pronunciation and rhyming system through reform.

This standardization was not just an abstract ideological undertaking. By delving further into Sin Sukchu's preface, we can see how it underscores the necessity of proper pronunciation as functional to understanding Confucian texts, stressing the vital role of vocalization in comprehending their essence:

The correct pronunciation of sinographs was thus considered an integral and essential part of learning the Way. Knowing the “meaning of writing” (munŭi 文義) was only the last step. To understand its “essence” (yo 要), it was necessary first to know the proper pronunciations of the characters (sŏngun 聲韻). From this perspective, ignoring the correct reading of sinographs would have undermined the knowledge of the Confucian texts, which were at the core of the Chosŏn state's ideology. This emphasis on correct pronunciation echoes the teachings of Zhu Xi, a Chinese scholar of the Song dynasty whose development of so-called neo-Confucian thought had the most influence in Chosŏn Korea, particularly his emphasis on “reading out loud” as a fundamental learning aspect in the Zhuzi yulei 朱子語類 (Conversations of Master Chu, arranged topically).¹³ As Sejong and Chiphyŏnjŏn scholars were well acquainted with Zhu Xi's teachings, having the Zhuzi yulei as part of the royal lectures (kyŏngyŏn 經筵),¹⁴ his concept of reading likely influenced their prioritization of correct pronunciation in Confucian text study.

In conclusion, the phonological project initiated with the Yunhui and culminating in the Tongguk chŏngun was driven by a pressing need to rectify the disarray in Korean sinograph pronunciations. By aligning with the phonological ideology prevalent in Ming China and influenced by the teachings of scholars like Zhu Xi, this endeavor aimed at standardizing Sino-Korean pronunciation was rooted in the imperative of proper vocalization as foundational to establishing Chosŏn as a legitimate Confucian state.

The Correct Rimes to Serve the Great

Phonological investigations into Sino-Korean readings ran parallel to similar inquiries into contemporary spoken Chinese pronunciations. The Chinese language held a central position of importance for the Chosŏn dynasty. As Sixiang Wang (2014: 69) points out, the ability to operate within the linguistic and cultural sphere of the Ming court was crucial for distinguishing Korea from other foreign countries, making its maintenance critical.

Shortly after the establishment of the new dynasty, the Sayŏgwŏn 司譯院 (Office of Interpreters), an institution already active during the Kŏryo period, was reinstated to study the spoken Chinese language (hwaŏn 華言).¹⁵ The significance of spoken Chinese language education and proficiency for the Chosŏn state stemmed from the dynamics between the vassal state and the greater state, as exemplified by the concept of sadae 事大 (serving the great), which guided Chosŏn's foreign policy toward China. This rationale was eloquently articulated in a memorial submitted to the king by Sŏl Changsu 偰長壽 (1341–1399), the commissioner (chejo 提調) of the Sayŏgwŏn:

Furthermore, the Chinese emperor reiterated several times in missives to the Chosŏn court that he would allow only envoys fluent in Chinese to visit, lamenting the lack of Chinese language proficiency among Chosŏn officials and emphasizing the indispensability of Chinese-speaking officials in maintaining positive bilateral relations.¹⁷

King Sejong himself demonstrated a personal interest in the Chinese spoken language. In 1421, during the early years of his reign, he enlisted the expertise of Cho Sungdŏk 曹崇德 (?–1425), director of the Sŭngmunwŏn 承文院 (Office of Diplomatic Correspondence), who was knowledgeable in Chinese pronunciation (hanŭm 漢音), to aid in the study of the Daxue yulu 大學語錄 (Recorded conversations on the Great Learning) during his royal lectures.¹⁸ The need to have a scholar proficient in Chinese was probably because this text was written in colloquial Chinese.¹⁹ Sejong's interest in the Chinese language persisted throughout his reign, as evidenced by his attendance at lectures on the Chikhae Sohak 直解小學 (Direct explication of the Elementary learning) in later years.²⁰ Sŏl Changsu had compiled the Chikhae Sohak toward the end of the Koryŏ period and, although no longer extant, was probably an explicated version in colloquial Chinese of the Xiaoxue 小學 (Elementary learning), adapted for language study.²¹

Sejong explicitly emphasized the importance of studying the Chinese spoken language, stating, “I believe that an additional proficiency in spoken Chinese is not detrimental to pursuing literary studies. Moreover, reading all the Five Classics and the Four Books in Chinese would benefit our country.”²² High-ranking officials, such as Chief State Councilor (Yŏngŭijŏng 領議政) Hwang Hŭi 黃喜 (1363–1452) and the Second State Councilor (Chwaŭijŏng 左議政) Maeng Sasŏng 孟思誠 (1360–1438), supported this perspective, asserting that a comprehensive study of Chinese was indeed advantageous for maintaining relations with China (sadae).²³ Additionally, the government consistently promoted Chinese language learning, as evidenced by directives ordering the dispatch of bright young students and civil officials specializing in spoken Chinese language studies to Liaodong in 1436.²⁴ Nevertheless, a petition submitted by Chief Superintendent (Tojejo 都提調) Sin Kae 申槪 (1375–1446) in 1442 highlighted challenges in Chinese language education, lamenting the lack of proficient interpreters and highlighting the difficulties students faced in learning Chinese pronunciation.²⁵

Given the importance of Chinese language education and the lack of an efficient transcription tool, it is unsurprising that the new script was quickly applied to transcribing contemporary Chinese pronunciations. Initial research missions were dispatched to gather firsthand data in China, with subsequent missions addressing unresolved issues and interacting with Chinese envoys to refine phonological knowledge. The first record of these missions is dated 1445. It reveals that Sin Sukchu, Sŏng Sammun 成三問 (1418–1456), and Son Susan 孫壽山 (?–?) were dispatched to Liaodong to investigate the rime dictionaries (unsŏ 韻書).²⁶ Further details about this trip to Liaodong can be found in the biographical accounts of Sin Sukchu recorded in the appendix to Pohanjae chip 保閑齋集 (Collected works of Pohanjae Sin Sukchu), which were written by his contemporaries. According to these accounts, during this trip, Sin Sukchu met with Huang Zan 黃瓚 (?–?), an exiled former scholar of the Hanlin Academy 翰林院.²⁷ The relevant passage from the account written by Kang Hŭimaeng 姜希孟 (1424–1483) recounts how Sin Sukchu used the vernacular script to transcribe the Chinese pronunciations he asked about:

The initial trip to Liaodong did not solve all the issues that Sin Sukchu and the other scholars were trying to clarify. Not only did they return there more times, but their research brought them as far as the Ming capital:

Additionally, in an attempt to further clarify Chinese pronunciations, they did not miss the chance to question envoys arriving in Korea. On one such occasion, Sŏng Sammun, Sin Sukchu, and Son Susan were sent to meet the Chinese envoys immediately after the formal reception to inquire about rime dictionaries. During this meeting, Sŏng Sammun and Sin Sukchu spent a long time discussing the Hongwu zhengyun with them.³⁰

The first tangible outcome of this phonological research was the Sasŏng t'onggo 四聲通攷 (A comprehensive study of the four tones). Though this work has not survived, later texts provide insights into its content. Ch'oe Sejin 崔世珍 (1468–1542) utilized it as a foundation for his Sasŏng t'onghae 四聲通解 (Comprehensive explanation of the four tones) in 1517. According to the preface to this text, Sejong had initially commissioned the compilation of the Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun 洪武正韻譯訓 (The standard rimes of Hongwu reign with transcriptions). However, when that proved too bulky, he had Sin Sukchu compile a shorter version and name it Sasŏng t'onggo. This dictionary must thus have been completed during the reign of Sejong and attached to the Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun when the latter was finally completed in 1455.³¹

The Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun project began then during the reign of Sejong but was completed posthumously. The dictionary was based on the original Chinese edition, where the pronunciations were written using the fanqie system. The dictionary is divided into eight books and transcribes character pronunciations using the vernacular script.³² Today only the last seven books survive, and are all preserved at the Korea University Library in Seoul. The dictionary also includes “popular pronunciations” (sogŭm 俗音), which better reflected the actual contemporary Chinese pronunciation of the time based on the northern dialect. To faithfully transcribe the Chinese pronunciations, some extra consonants were used that were absent in the original exposition contained in the Hunmin chŏngŭm haerye 訓民正音解例 (Explanations and examples of the correct sounds for the instruction of the people, 1446) and that were created by modifying the original “incisor sounds” (ch'iŭm 齒音: ㅈ, ㅊ, ㅉ, ㅅ, ㅆ) by elongating the final extremities of one of their strokes.³³ In this way, it was possible to distinguish the consonants that in traditional Chinese phonology were indicated as “apical incisors” (ch'iduŭm 齒頭音) from the “upright incisors” (chŏngch'iŭm 正齒音), which were not distinguished in the Korean language.³⁴

Another text aimed at the study of the Chinese language, unfortunately lost to history, is the Chikhae Tongjasŭp 直解童子習 (Direct explication of the Training manual for children). This work was a Korean adaptation of the Ming primer Tongzi xi 童子習 (Training manual for children, 1404) compiled by Zhu Fengji 朱逢吉 (?–?). The first mention of this text is dated 1430 and records that the Tongjasŭp was presented, among other works, as a text for the study of both Chinese clerical writing (hallihak 漢吏學) and translation (yŏkhak 譯學).³⁵ The only information about the edition compiled with the vernacular script comes from its preface (sŏ 序) written by Sŏng Sammun, according to which the text was compiled by Sin Sukchu, Cho Pyŏnan 曹變安 (?–?), Kim Chŭng 金曾 (?–?), and Son Susan, all scholars who also participated in the compilation of the Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun.³⁶ The work began during Sejong's reign and was probably completed between the sixth month of 1453 (when Sin Sukchu obtained the position of u pusŭngji 右副承旨 by which he is named in the preface) and the tenth month of the same year (when his position changed again).³⁷ As for how the text was organized, the preface gives only the following explanation:

This suggests that the text displayed the Chinese pronunciation of each sinograph in smaller characters using the vernacular script and, subsequently, a vernacular version.

The prefaces to both the Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun and the Chikhae Tongjasŭp underscore their pivotal role in fostering relations with China, emphasizing the necessity of proficiency in spoken Chinese language for effective communication:

Maintaining relations with China required the Chosŏn state to prioritize learning Chinese. The need to properly speak this language led to the production of the “translations” in the new script of both the Hongwu zhengyun and the Chikhae Tongjasŭp. Taken at face value, this record also seems to suggest that the vernacular script itself had been created with this aim in mind from the beginning.⁴³ The issue of Chinese character pronunciation, as described by Sŏng Sammun, is quite similar to the problem presented by Sin Sukchu in the preface to the Tongguk chŏngun regarding Sino-Korean pronunciations. Both situations involve scholars stuck in their old mistakes and struggling to correct them independently. According to Sŏng Sammun, the vernacular script would have solved this issue:

The introduction of the vernacular script thus proved invaluable in facilitating the study of spoken Chinese. It enabled scholars to accurately transcribe Chinese pronunciations, thereby enhancing communication and diplomatic relations with China, and ultimately securing Chosŏn's position in the Ming political and cultural sphere.

The Voice of Vernacular Explications

Glossed texts were one of the main applications of the new vernacular script. Even prior to the advent of the alphabet, the Korean peninsula had a long-established and diverse tradition of vernacular glossing. Initially, glosses were conveyed through signs (puho kugyŏl 符號口訣) or characters (muncha kugyŏl 文字口訣). Signs were created using small depressions made with a stylus (kak'pil 角筆) or ink marks from a brush (muksŏ puho kugyŏl 墨書符號口訣) (Chŏng C. 2006: 136). These signs were strategically positioned around sinographs to provide morphosyntactic glosses, indicating grammatical elements or altering sentence structure. Character glosses (chat'o 字吐) often involved simplified forms of sinographs (yakcha 略字).

Two distinct interpretative methods evolved, regardless of the transcriptional system (signs or characters) employed for glosses:

1. sŏktok kugyŏl 釋讀口訣 (vernacular reading glossing), also called hundok kugyŏl 訓讀口訣, with word order inversions

2. ŭmdok kugyŏl 音讀口訣 (Sino-Korean reading glossing), also called sundok kugyŏl 順讀口訣 or consecutive glossing (without word order inversions)

Sŏktok kugyŏl involved modifying hanmun 漢文 (literary sinitic) texts by inserting reading marks (t'o 吐) to the right or left of sentence elements, along with inversion glosses (yŏktokchŏm 逆讀點) between them, enabling vernacular reading. The reading process typically entailed first addressing elements with notations on their right, skipping those on the left, and then, upon encountering an inversion mark, revisiting the skipped portion and integrating it into the sentence (Whitman 2011: 108). While the earliest extant instances of sŏktok kugyŏl date from the tenth to thirteenth centuries, the complexity of the system and its conservative linguistic traits suggest an even earlier origin (Chŏng C. 2006: 152). Evidence from surviving eighth-century Buddhist glossed texts found in Japan indicates a potential influence from Silla glossing practices, thus dating the Korean peninsula's use of sŏktok kugyŏl to the seventh and eighth centuries (Chŏng C. 2006: 152; Whitman 2015: 426–27). Vernacular reading glossing was also practiced in Confucian texts during the Silla period. Historical records document Sŏl Ch'ong 薛聰 (655–?) using “the local speech to read the Nine Classics, tutoring younger scholars”⁴⁵ and borrowing characters to “gloss and explain the Six Classics and other works of literature.”⁴⁶

By the late thirteenth century, sŏktok kugyŏl began to fade, giving way to ŭmdok kugyŏl. Documents from the fourteenth century onward featured ŭmdok kugyŏl, maintaining the original hanmun order without indicating syntactical changes, while introducing functional morphemes between clauses. The reasons for this shift remain unclear, though scholars posit factors such as the influence and prestige of the cosmopolitan language, increased literacy rates, and a trend toward formulaic interpretation of Buddhist texts (Whitman 2011: 99). They also note how this transition coincided with Korea's integration into the Yuan Empire's pan-regional order, fostering heightened Chinese influence. Nonetheless, sŏktok-style annotations persisted in select sections of texts during the early Chosŏn period (Chŏng C. 2006: 154–55).

During the Chosŏn period, efforts to create vernacular editions of the Four Books began under T'aejong's reign and expanded to include the Five Classics during Sejong's rule.⁴⁷ Sejong envisioned these editions as tools to assist young scholars in grasping the texts’ true essence and transmitting their teachings to their students.⁴⁸ After introducing the vernacular script, Sejong promptly initiated the production of new explicated editions of the Four Books using the alphabet.⁴⁹ In doing this, he likely had this same aim in mind, with the difference that the invention of the vernacular script provided a more efficient and convenient tool to realize this objective. We can find this aim reflected in a passage of the postface to the Hunmin chŏngŭm haerye written by Chŏng Inji 鄭麟趾 (1396–1478):

Unfortunately, these new vernacular editions were probably never completed during Sejong's time. Only in the late sixteenth century, under King Sŏnjo 宣祖 (r. 1567–1608), were official vernacular explications of the Four Books and the Five Classics completed.⁵¹

In contrast, numerous Buddhist vernacular editions were completed during the latter half of the fifteenth century, overseen by the Directorate of Buddhist Publications (Kan'gyŏng togam 刊經都監) and with strong support from King Sejo. These publications featured glossed hanmun versions followed by vernacular translations, which reflected Sino-Korean and vernacular glossing methods, respectively. In addition, they provided the pronunciation of sinographs in accordance with the Tongguk chŏngun. According to recent studies, it is believed that these texts were mainly meant for Buddhist monks as part of a central policy of cultural control (Kim K. 2020: 96).

The compilation process of these texts, as detailed in the “royal postface” (Ŏje pal 御製跋) of the Nŭngŏm kyŏng ŏnhae 楞嚴經諺解 (Vernacular explication of the Śūraṃgama sutra), emphasized vocalization in reading. Glosses, referred to as ipkyŏt, were initially chanted (ch'ang 唱) for correction before translation, with the final translation read aloud (nilk-) before the king.⁵² The etymology of the term ipkyŏt itself suggests that these glosses were used as aids for recitation. It likely originated from ip- 잎-, which means “to chant, recite,” and kyŏt 겿, which means “grammatical marker.”⁵³ Furthermore, Sinmi's postface (Sinmi pal 信眉跋) to the Yŏngga chip ŏnhae 永嘉集諺解 (Vernacular explication of the Yongjia collection) echoes the introduction to the Tongguk chŏngun by highlighting the importance of spoken language (ŏn 言) as a prerequisite for gaining knowledge in written language (mun 文) and subsequently understanding its meaning (ŭi 義).⁵⁴ This emphasis on vocalization and spoken language underscores the pivotal role of oral tradition in accessing the teachings of canonical texts.

Performing Literary Works

The early vernacular literary texts compiled with the new script were mostly intended for oral delivery and auditory reception by audiences. The Yongbi ŏch’ŏn ka 龍飛御天歌 (Songs of flying dragons, 1447) was the first of these works. Commissioned by Sejong and authored by scholars from the Chiphyŏnjŏn, its primary aim was to commemorate and politically validate the establishment of the Chosŏn dynasty. The significance of the vernacular script in enabling the vocal performance of its verses becomes evident in its evolution into the Pongnaeŭi 鳳來儀 suite, which incorporated dance, music, and singing. Comprising five distinct pieces, this suite served as a comprehensive performance.⁵⁵ The introductory and concluding pieces (Chŏninja 前引子 and Huinja 後引子) were purely musical, framing the ceremony, while the central pieces incorporated specific selections of cantos in either hanmun or vernacular.⁵⁶ These musical compositions, executed toward the conclusion of Sejong's reign, were brought to life by female singers (kagi 歌妓) and musicians (akkong 樂工) at court.⁵⁷

The Sŏkpo sangjŏl 釋譜詳節 (Episodes from the life of the Buddha, 1447) is a Buddhist prose text compiled by King Sejo 世祖 (r. 1455–1468) to commemorate his late mother, Queen Sohŏn 昭憲王后 (1395–1446).⁵⁸ Conceived as a chŏn'gyŏng 轉經, a term that can be interpreted as either a sutra reading (tokkyŏng 讀經) (Yi H. 2001: 20) or a recitation of selected passages (chŏndok 轉讀) (Kim K. 2018: 132), the text was designed for oral presentation during a Buddhist ceremony. Monks performed vocalized readings, utilizing the vernacular script to facilitate the oral rendition of the text within this ritual context. A notable aspect of the Sŏkpo sangjŏl is also its transcription of mantras (dhāraṇī), known in Korea as tarani 陀羅尼 or chinŏn 眞言.⁵⁹ These Sanskrit utterances are traditionally recited for religious purposes and not translated, as the belief held that doing so might compromise their sacred nature. While previously phonetically transcribed using sinographs, the vernacular script in these transcriptions, including modified incisor consonants, reflects a deliberate effort to ensure accurate pronunciation, emphasizing the script's role in preserving the sacred nature of these utterances.⁶⁰

The Wŏrin ch’ŏn'gang chi kok 月印千江之曲 (Songs of the moon's imprint on a thousand rivers, 1447) was another Buddhist literary creation from Sejong's reign following the introduction of the vernacular script. Only the first volume (sang 上) of the original three has survived, currently housed at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies. It features 194 cantos in vernacular verses, without any hanmun version, commentary, or interlinear notation. Distinguishing itself from the Sŏkpo sangjŏl, sinographs in the Wŏrin ch’ŏn'gang chi kok are positioned after the corresponding vernacular script pronunciation and are smaller in size. The designation of its verses as “songs” (kok 曲) strongly implies their inherently musical and performative nature. The oral and performative nature of the work might also explain why the vernacular script pronunciations are more prominent than the sinographs (Chŏng S. 2009: 197; King 2018: 9). Although there is no evidence of their performance during Sejong's reign, historical records indicate that Sejo, moved by affection for his father, later directed its distribution for singing to eight female entertainers (ki 妓).⁶¹ This event sheds light on the performative intent behind the text, exemplifying how the vernacular script facilitated the fusion of literature and performance.

Instructing the Ignorant People

The new script was officially named to emphasize its aim of educating the common people (hunmin 訓民). While current scholarship views this anachronistically as an attempt to achieve universal literacy, the script's initial goals were not in line with modern ideas of literacy. As described in contemporary sources, common people's interaction with the script primarily involved understanding it through oral delivery.

An illustrative example of this dynamic is found in the memorial submitted by Ch'oe Malli and other scholars of the Chiphyŏnjŏn who opposed the adoption of the vernacular script. One of the points raised in this memorial reveals the king's vision for the script's potential to accurately transcribe legal procedures, making them easily comprehensible, particularly for the illiterate:

Here, the emphasis was on enabling comprehension through delegated reading rather than direct literacy. This underscores a broader conception of literacy that encompasses oral transmission and social dynamics, challenging the notion of literacy solely as the ability to read and write independently.

Another instance of this oral dimension is evident in the vernacular edition of the Samgang haengsil to, a didactic text initially written in Literary Sinitic. This book had been printed and distributed in 1434 to instruct the people according to Confucian morals and ethics. Through a series of exempla in the form of brief stories and related illustrations, it presented the right moral behavior according to the three more meaningful social relationships in a Confucian society (samgang 三綱): king-subject, husband-wife, and father-son. Sejong recognized the challenge of disseminating such a text among the illiterate and thus advocated for a mediated reading approach, whereby knowledgeable individuals would orally convey the content to the target audience, specifying that, as for women, their relatives should teach them.⁶³ While a vernacular edition of the text was eventually produced, its intended mode of consumption remained primarily oral, emphasizing ease of understanding rather than individual reading proficiency. The king expressed the expected effectiveness of this vernacular edition in the following terms:

There is no specific mention of the act of “reading” but only of the “easy understanding” (ihyo 易曉) of the text by “ignorant men and women” (ubu ubu 愚夫愚婦). This is the same expression in the above passage about the transcription of criminal procedures, which did not refer to individual reading proficiency.

That such a mediated, vocalized reading was expected to remain a significant use of the vernacular edition of the Samgang haengsil to is further suggested by how this text was expected to be used when it was first printed under King Sŏngjong 成宗 (r. 1469–94). In 1481, in issuing the instructions for the distribution of the volume titled Yŏllyŏ to 烈女圖 (Illustrations of devoted women), the king ordered that the women in every village and corner be lectured (kangsŭp 講習) on it.⁶⁵ Furthermore, the “support and recommendations” section (changgwŏn 奬勸) of the Yejŏn 禮典 (Code of rites) in the Kyŏngguk taejŏn 經國大典 (The great code for state administration) states that the elders and the heads of the households of literati families, or their teachers and instructors, should instruct (kyohoe 敎誨) women and children, making them clearly understand the text.⁶⁶ This documentation seems to confirm that this vernacular edition remained mostly intended to be vocalized by more expert readers who, acting as intermediaries, would convey the text orally to an illiterate audience.⁶⁷

Similarly, Buddhist vernacular editions stressed the importance of oral dissemination. The postface of the Yŏngga chip ŏnhae, one of the vernacular editions published by the Directorate of Buddhist Publications, stated that not only monks but “even the peddlers in the streets and the women at home, everyone should be able to listen [mun 聞] to the teaching of the Buddha. In this way, His Majesty's grace of ‘giving the Dharma’ will reach its utmost perfection.”⁶⁸ To reach a readership outside the Buddhist clergy, these Buddhist vernacular editions were then expected to be transmitted through a mediated vocalized reading, similar to the one used for the Samgang haengsil to.

The vernacular script played a crucial role in helping the illiterate access written content, bridging the literacy gap within society. However, this was not achieved by promoting universal literacy. Instead, a group of literate individuals read the written content aloud to a wider audience, making knowledge more accessible to everyone, irrespective of their literacy levels. This also led to greater control and regulation over this practice by the central government.

Conclusion

In early Chosŏn Korea, vocalization fundamentally shaped the relationship between the written word and its readers. At a time when written texts were regularly brought to life through oral recitation, the development of a script capable of representing “all the sounds under heaven” brought about a transformative change that enhanced the regulation and guidance of the reading process. This innovation allowed the ruling dynasty to govern not only through writing but also through sound.

The newly devised vernacular script was initially applied in Chinese phonological research. This endeavor, exemplified by the compilation of the Tongguk chŏngun, sought to reconcile traditional rimes with contemporary usage, thereby standardizing Sino-Korean readings. This standardization was crucial to address the widespread confusion surrounding contemporary sinograph pronunciation, particularly in transmitting the Confucian canon. Traditional phonological ideology, which considered pronunciation reform pivotal to asserting authority, and neo-Confucian thought, which emphasized the significance of correct pronunciation in comprehending canonical texts, fueled these efforts. Furthermore, the vernacular script played a key role in transcribing Chinese vernacular pronunciations, driven by the necessity of fostering diplomatic relations between the Chosŏn dynasty and Ming China. King Sejong's personal interest in Chinese language education further propelled this initiative, resulting in works like the Sasŏng t'onggo and the Hongmu chŏngun yŏkhun.

The vernacular script also found substantial application in glossed texts, building on a long-established tradition of vernacular glossing on the Korean peninsula. Efforts to create vernacular explications of Confucian and Buddhist classics emphasized the continued importance of vocalization and oral tradition in accessing these teachings. The early adoption of the vernacular script in literary works further highlights its role in enabling and controlling the oral performance and auditory reception of these texts. Seminal works such as the Yongbi ŏch’ŏn ka, the Sŏkpo sangjŏl, and the Wŏrin ch’ŏn'gang chi kok, exemplify the deliberate fusion of literature and performance, illustrating how the vernacular script facilitated the vocalization of the written word in ceremonial settings.

Moreover, the vernacular script represented a significant shift in disseminating written knowledge to the common people. Although commonly perceived as a tool for achieving universal literacy, the common people relied primarily on oral transmission to engage with written texts. This dynamic challenges modern notions of literacy, revealing that the script's intended mode of consumption emphasized aural comprehension over independent reading. This is evident in various contexts, including legal transcriptions, neo-Confucian texts like the vernacular edition of the Samgang haengsil to, and Buddhist vernacular explications.

Ultimately, this article has highlighted the significance of the new vernacular script in enhancing the vocalization of written texts, challenging the dichotomy between its phonological and vernacular functions. It suggests that both aspects emerged from a unified purpose: facilitating and controlling the vocalization of the written word. The vernacular script was not simply an auxiliary to sinographs but, rather, pertained to a complementary dimension of reading centered on sound. Its invention introduced a new level of control over this auditory dimension, serving specific political objectives of the Chosŏn state. These objectives included shaping ideological and religious practices by standardizing Sino-Korean readings of canonical texts and making them aurally accessible through vernacular glossed editions, strengthening diplomatic ties with China by improving Chinese language proficiency, and enhancing the performative efficacy of state-supported literary projects. Additionally, the vernacular script was intended to reinforce internal governance by improving the oral delivery and aural comprehension of written texts among the common people.

This article was made possible through the support of the Korea Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship, which the author held at the University of British Columbia during the 2023–24 academic year.

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