Abstract
This article explores the utilization of Buddhist artwork as political symbolism during the Later Paekche period (892–936). Despite its brief duration, Later Paekche produced diverse styles of Buddhist artwork throughout its reign. After emerging victorious from a battle in 920 that conferred legitimacy upon his claim to the reestablished throne of Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn (甄萱, 867–936 CE) created a stone stūpa very similar in appearance to a Paekche-era stūpa. However, after plundering the capital of Silla in 927 and challenging Koryŏ for supremacy, Kyŏn Hwŏn shifted his political goals and proclaimed a new identity as the rightful ruler of a unified Korean peninsula. At that time, all the Later Three Kingdoms of the Korean Peninsula were based on the culture of Silla; thus, after 927, Later Paekche created Buddhist artwork based on the style and technology of Silla as a cultural symbol to unite the Later Three Kingdoms.
Following the introduction of Buddhism into the peninsula, kings in Korea made concerted efforts to use the religion to achieve their political goals (Hurst 1981; Kang 1986; Kim 1994; McBride 2004; Kim 2001; Vermeersch 2008, 2014). In order to express the idea of the new religion's role as protector of the state, kings sponsored the performance of many different Buddhist rituals and the creation of Buddhist artwork with strong political, social, and cultural symbolism (Kim 2020: 90). This tendency to use Buddhist art to symbolize political goals and ideologies can be seen not only in the history of Korea but also in that of India, the land that gave birth to the religion, and China, through which Buddhism was transmitted to the Korean peninsula. An example of this can be seen in what may be called the origin of Buddhist art, the Pillars of Aśoka (ca. 304–252 BCE) and the first stūpas in India. Stūpas believed to have been erected by King Aśoka that were built in several places during the Northern and Southern Dynasties period (420–589 CE) in China1 provide an instructive example, as they show the relationship between the ideology of wheel-turning kings and Buddhist art (Yun 2014: 274–77).
Although it is well-known that Buddhist scripture has been used in the pursuit of political goals, there are also examples of Buddhist artwork being used to effectively display changes in the cultural identity of governments. In the case of the Yun'gang Grottoes (Yun'gang shiku 雲崗石窟), constructed during the Northern Wei 北魏 period in China, the images of Buddha made after Tanyao 曇曜 (fl. 453–99 CE) resigned from the position of shamentong (沙門統 “monastic overseer”) in 479 show a change toward the wearing of clothing typical of the Han people—Chinese-style wide-hemmed robes tied with a belt (Su 1978; Okada 1993a, 1993b).2 The change occurred prior to 494, when there was a prohibition on wearing hufu (胡服, “traditional clothing of northern tribes”) following the relocation of the capital from Pingcheng 平城 (present-day Datongshi, Shanxi Province) to Luoyang 洛陽 (present-day Luoyangshi, Henan Province). The depictions of Buddha wearing Han Chinese clothing in Northern Wei, where the belief that “the Emperor is a Buddha” was adopted, were a clear display of the promotion of its Han-centric policy and a visible political symbol of its adoption of Han customs (Su 1991).
Buddhist art was also used to convey political messages on the Korean peninsula not long after the religion was introduced there. The clearest example of this is Mirŭk Temple, constructed by King Mu of Paekche (r. 600–641 CE). It featured three temple buildings lined up in a row that symbolized the three sermons given by the Maitreya Buddha, as mentioned in Mile xiasheng jing 彌勒下生經 (Sutra on Maitreya's Rebirth Below) (BCP 1989). King Mu's intention in establishing the temple complex was to proclaim that he was the wheel-turning king prophesied to appear when the Maitreya Buddha is born on Earth (Kim 2009: 21–23). Thus, as seen in these examples from China and Korea, Buddhist artwork was in fact utilized as an effective means of propagandizing changes to the political landscape of the day.
This paper elucidates how the government of Later Paekche (fig. 1) used Buddhist artwork as political symbolism.3 Later Paekche lasted for only a short period of Korea's history, but it challenged the two competing states of Silla and Koryŏ for supremacy, even briefly overwhelming them, and actively engaged in diplomacy with Japan, Wuyue 吳越, Later Tang 後唐 (923–37), and the Khitan 契丹 (Qidan) in China (Sin 1996; Yi 2015a, 2015b; Yi 2022). The Later Paekche era lasted from 892 to 936, and its most active use of Buddhist artwork as a means of self-promotion began during the 920s, when it engaged in full-blown war against Silla and Koryŏ. When Kyŏn Hwŏn (甄萱, 867–936 CE) captured Taeya Fortress in 920, he fulfilled the pledge he had made in Chŏnju in 900 to found a successor kingdom to Paekche. Following this, he declared his right to lead a unified state comprising the territories of Koryŏ and Silla, and carried out a full-fledged attack on those kingdoms. It was during this process that the culture and identity of Kyŏn Hwŏn's kingdom underwent a transformation.
The political landscape was rapidly shifting to reflect the change in identity and cultural aims of the newly established kingdom. It is precisely during this period, when Kyŏn Hwŏn was simultaneously constructing a unique identity for Later Paekche and attempting to unify the Later Three Kingdoms—while even deeply established values were being transformed—that we can see how Buddhist art was used for political symbolism.
The aim of this essay is to shed light on the effects that political changes in Later Paekche had on the creation and stylistic shifts in Buddhist art,4 leading to an examination of the utility and methods of implementing Buddhist artwork as political symbolism. The first step is to examine changes made to the features of Buddhist artwork as support for the newly established political ideology of Later Paekche and its goal of unifying the different segments of society prior to 920. Next, I will demonstrate how Buddhist artwork was transformed to serve as a visible representation of Later Paekche's claim to succession to the original Paekche kingdom after 920, as the new kingdom sought to solidify its power. This is followed by an examination of changes to the identity of Later Paekche and a disclosure of their effects on Buddhist artwork after 927, when the capital of Silla was captured.
The Display of Political Identity and Symbols of Unified Powers
Kyŏn Hwŏn was born in Sangju during the tumultuous later years of the Silla dynasty. He left his home to become the supervisor of Paekche military affairs in charge of Sŏnamhae,5 the southwestern region of the kingdom. He became the de facto ruler of the region in 892 after capturing Muju's capital. Kyŏn Hwŏn then declared himself the supreme commander (kunsa 軍事) of Chŏnju, Muju, and Kongju, regions that were at the time three of Silla's nine provinces but had previously been part of the Paekche kingdom.6 This shows that his original intention was to lead a successor kingdom to Paekche. He was unable, however, to persuade the people of the Yŏngsan River basin of his right to rule as successor to the throne of Paekche, as they maintained a strong sense of connection to the Mahan confederacy to which they had belonged (Chin 2019: 125–26).7
To overcome the opposition he faced in expanding and cementing his control over Muju, Kyŏn Hwŏn gave a speech before moving his capital to Chŏnju in 900.8 He proclaimed that he would relieve the deceased King Ŭija 義慈 (r. 641–60), the final monarch of Paekche, of the resentment his departed soul must feel toward the destruction of his kingdom. In this way, Kyŏn Hwŏn was aiming to settle the issue of the legitimacy of his claim to the succession to the throne and justify his founding of Later Paekche. This was in response to the strong feeling of connection to Paekche held by the powerful families of Wansanju. But Kyŏn Hwŏn did not stop there. He stated that Paekche was the successor kingdom to Mahan, and in order to emphasize that its center of power was Wansanju, he argued that Mahan was the first of the Samhan 三韓 (Three Han States) to arise after the fall of Ancient Chosŏn. Although Paekche had in fact been founded in the Han River basin, Kyŏn Hwŏn falsely claimed that it was founded on Mount Kŭmma, located near his newly established capital of Chŏnju and the site of the remains of the Paekche-era Mirŭksa Temple. In contrast to the modern understanding that Paekche was the successor state to Mahan, Kungye 弓裔 (?–918), the founder of Later Koguryŏ,9 the leading Silla scholar Ch'oe Ch'iwon 崔致遠 (857–908?), and others believed that Koguryŏ was the successor state to Mahan (Cho 1999: 488–92). Nonetheless, Kyŏn Hwŏn claimed the historical succession of kingdoms was “Ancient Chosŏn → Mahan → Paekche → Later Paekche” and that the territory of Mahan and Paekche included Wansanju and Muju, which he had conquered in 900. This claim can be understood as a strategy for building a united power base by constructing a unified identity and securing the legitimacy of the new kingdom through the creation of an understanding of Mahan and Paekche sharing a common identity. It also, of course, became the ruling ideology of Later Paekche after the capital was moved to Chŏnju and was used to enforce the idea of the common identity of Mahan and Paekche when Kyŏn Hwŏn's troops were mobilized less than a year later.10
Kyŏn Hwŏn attacked Taeya Fortress, which is located in the present-day Hapch’ŏn region. His goal was not just the pragmatic one of securing more territory. It was also a strong declaration of his political intentions. The fortress was constructed in the first half of the seventh century and was the site of several battles between Paekche and Silla. Paekche troops captured the fortress in 642. But the commander of the fortress was Kim P'umsŏk, the son-in-law of Kim Ch'unch'u 金春秋 (603–61 CE), who became the Silla King Muyŏl 武烈王 (r. 654–61 CE) and later conquered Paekche. When Paekche forces attacked Taeya Fortress in 642, both Kim Ch'unch'u's son-in-law and his daughter committed suicide. These events gave Silla cause to seek an alliance with the Tang dynasty. The attack on Paekche in 660 by a combined Silla-Tang army was a means of avenging the humiliation of the fall of Taeya Fortress in 642 (Kim 2018: 255–62). Paekche's victory at Taeya Fortress served as the catalyst for the subsequent downfall of the kingdom. Kyŏn Hwŏn would have been well aware of this fact, and therefore chose Taeya Fortress as a symbolic location in which to avenge the deceased King Ŭija in his first mobilization of troops in the newfound kingdom. The attack ended in failure, however, as it took place less than a year after the relocation of the capital, and battle preparations were inadequate.
After the failed attack, Kyŏn Hwŏn's subsequent conquest of the southern region of Naju was not intended as a means of redeeming the army's defeat at the fortress. The region was a strategic choice, meant to secure territory in the important Yŏngsan River basin, where—in Kyŏn Hwŏn's vision—Mahan and Paekche “shared a common identity.” But things did not go according to plan, and the results could not have been worse for Kyŏn Hwŏn, as the frightened powers in Naju ended up forming an alliance with Kungye in 903.
Kyŏn Hwŏn felt threatened after failing to achieve his expected outcome at Taeya Fortress and Naju. As a result, following the lead of Silla natives who controlled towns within Later Paekche territory, he advanced into Sangju 尙州 (the northern region of present-day North Kyŏngsang province), where he was born and raised (Chin 2021: 55–61). Evidence for these events can be found in historical records that describe Kyŏn Hwŏn's defeat in 906 at Sahwajin 沙火鎭 Fortress, presently called Sangju, at the hands of Wang Kŏn 王建 (877–943), who was serving under Kungye.11
Kyŏn Hwŏn was born in the Kaŭn District in Sangju. His father, Ajagae, as a member of one of Sangju's powerful families, was the general in charge of Sabul Fortress (Sin 1996: 75).12 Although Sahwa Fortress was taken from Kyŏn Hwŏn by the state of Majin in 906, he remained in control of the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province (Sin 1996: 75). Kyŏn Hwŏn then seized control of about ten fortresses to the south of Ilsŏn-gun (present-day Kumi) from Silla in 907 in order to secure a safe corridor between the territory of Later Paekche and the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province.13
Kyŏn Hwŏn also ordered the full-scale mobilization of his troops in order to recapture control over the Naju region, but he suffered defeat in two battles against Kungye's troops in 910 and 912.14 His attack on Taeya Fortress in 916 also failed.15
During Kyŏn Hwŏn's attempt to integrate Naju into his domain through the notion of Mahan sharing a common identity with Paekche—and his attempt to firm up political support for his claim of rightful succession to the earlier Paekche kingdom—it is believed there were some indications of division and dissent among the powers who had helped him maintain political control, such as those Silla natives who followed him out of Silla territory, those who had gained independent power in Mujinju and then threw their support behind him, and those powers who had joined his ranks after the capital was relocated to Chŏnju. To repair these divisions, he constructed large Buddhist statues imbued with political symbolism: the Stone Buddha Triad (fig. 2) found at the Pongnim Temple Site in Wanju being one outstanding example. The temple was built in the early tenth century by the Later Paekche royal family (Chin 2010: 176–80). The Stone Buddha of the Pongnim Temple Site (fig. 3) follows the style of late ninth-century Buddhist sculpture from Unified Silla, with a graceful appearance and well-balanced proportions. However, the statue depicts the Bhumisparsha (Earth Witness) Mudra 降魔觸地印 that was popular at the end of the ninth century and beginning of the tenth century, and the straight-line folds in the garment covering the Buddha's legs reflect the style of Buddhist statuary that came into use during that time. These aspects of the statue show that it was created during the Later Paekche period (Ch'oe 1994a: 48–51).
But the statue also has the following features: a knotted belt under the chest, an exposed right shoulder, and a triangular hem of the great robe over the left shoulder. With the exception of Buddhist sculptures in the Wanju region, such as the seated stone Buddha statue unearthed in Taea-ri that is in the collection of Jeonbuk National University Museum, these features can only be found in the rock-carved statue of a seated Bhaiṣajyaguru (Medicine Buddha) 磨崖藥師佛坐像 (fig. 4) at the Oksan Temple Site in Andong, a region located in Kyŏn Hwŏn's homeland, where he wielded substantial influence (Chin 2010: 176–80). In addition, the pedestal of the Funerary Stūpa of Great Master Chijŭng at Pongam Temple 鳳巖寺智證大師塔碑 in Kyŏn Hwŏn's hometown of Kaŭn-ŭp in Mun'gyŏng has a unique combination of the decorative fixtures of kalavinkas (birds with human heads) and heavenly musicians, features that can also be seen on the pedestal of the Central Stone Buddha at the Pongnim Temple Site. These common features reveal a deep connection between the Buddhist statuary at the Pongnim Temple Site and Buddhist artwork at sites in the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province. However, although certain aspects of the Buddhist sculptures at the Pongnim Temple Site are not found in the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province, we can infer that stone Buddha statues in the Wanju region were created by artisans trained in the tradition of the Stone Buddha at the Pongnim Temple Site (Ch'oe 1994b: 34–41), and that artisans from the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province migrated to Chŏnju, the capital of Later Paekche, where they led the creation of Buddhist statues (Chin 2021: 61).16
However, the Stone Buddha Triad of the Pongnim Temple Site does not just reveal the influence of the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province of the time; it also shows the influence of Buddhist art from the much earlier Paekche period. The halo of the Central Stone Buddha of the Pongnim Temple Site was sculpted in imitation of the Nirmāna-Buddha halo of the seated stone Buddha of Yŏndong-ni in Iksan (fig. 5), which was created during the first half of the seventh century. In addition, the Bodhisattva Statue (fig. 6) has features found in mid-sixth-century Paekche Bodhisattva statues such as the Bodhisattva Standing Statue (fig. 7) unearthed at the Kunsu-ri Temple Site in Puyŏ.
Why is it that these Later Paekche Buddhist statues reflect features of Buddhist statues from the Paekche dynasty? The leaders of Later Paekche claimed to be the rightful successors to the kingdom of Paekche, yet they and their king were born in Silla territory. This must have been an obstacle on the path to uniting the people under their rule. Pongnim Temple Site was sited in a particularly strategic location on a main thoroughfare between Later Paekche's capital at Chŏnju and Kyŏn Hwŏn's hometown in the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province, which makes it highly likely that it was considered to be important (Chin 2010: 163). Just as the attack on Taeya Fortress in 901 served as a significant political symbol of the claim of Later Paekche to rightful succession to the original Paekche kingdom and was meant to be seen as such by both domestic and foreign powers, the creation and enshrining of Paekche-style Buddhist statues in such a temple as Pongnimsa can be said to have been a visual expression of Later Paekche's goal of gaining acceptance for its self-proclaimed identity as the legitimate heir to the Paekche dynasty. It must also have served the purpose of preventing the local people and their elites, who had a strong sense of historical belonging to Paekche, from breaking away from the control of Later Paekche, whose leaders were born in Silla territory. In other words, the Stone Buddha Triad of the Pongnim Temple Site in Wanju was created on the one hand to display the self-proclaimed identity of Later Paekche but also to serve as a politically symbolic display of the unity that existed between the various powerful factions of the new kingdom.
Symbols of the Achievement of a Successor Kingdom to Paekche
In order to achieve his primary goal of creating a successor kingdom to Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn followed up his first unsuccessful attack on Taeya Fortress in 901 with further attempts in 916 and 920. He was finally successful in 920.17 This success fulfilled the promise he had made in 900 to avenge King Ŭija, and conferred legitimacy on the new kingdom, firmly establishing its identity as the successor to Paekche.
Following the capture of Taeya Fortress and the confirmation of Later Paekche as the rightful successor to Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn organized a kaet'ap (開塔 “stūpa-opening”) ceremony at Mirŭk Temple.18 Mirŭk Temple was built by King Mu when he moved his capital to Iksan and was intended to embody the new ruling ideology of the descent to Earth of the Maitreya Buddha. The level of importance assigned by Later Paekche to the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony can be seen in the inscription on the monument built for National Preceptor Hyegŏ 惠居 (899–974), who was a native of territory belonging to Later Paekche (Hŏ 1990: 579–96).
This inscription's account of the deeds of Hyegŏ during Later Paekche is rather brief in comparison with the detailed account of his achievements as the National Preceptor for Koryŏ after he defected to that kingdom. Perhaps for this reason the inscription does not contain a detailed explanation of the character of the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony, but we can nevertheless conclude that it was an event held on a statewide scale in Later Paekche, given that the monk selection examination or monastic examination (sŏnbulchang 選佛場) was held right after it at the distant Sŏnun Temple (Vermeersch 2008: 187).
Several views of the character of the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony have been put forth, including the idea that it was a reconstruction project (Hŏ 1990: 586; Cho 1996: 46), that it involved the construction of a new stūpa (Ch'oe 1997: 4), and that it was a Yŏngbulgol 迎佛骨 ceremony (held to enshrine relics of the Buddha) (Yi 2014: 19–24).
Firstly, with regard to the view that the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony was related to the reconstruction of a stūpa, considering the difference in the number of levels of supporting body stones below the roof stones of the stūpa, and that there is no module in the roof stones, it is possible that there was some reconstruction of the stone stūpa (NRICH 2004: 126–29), but given that the śarīra reliquaries were enshrined in their original form in 639 by Queen Sat'aek 沙宅王后, we can conclude that during the Later Paekche period there was no large-scale disassembly or rebuilding of the stone stūpa worthy of the name Mirŭksa kaet'ap during the Later Paekche period (NRICH 2014: 27–37).
Secondly, regarding the idea that the term Mirŭksa kaet'ap was used to refer to the construction of the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni, it seems somewhat unnatural for such a term to have been used, given that Mirŭk Temple was actively in use at that time.
Finally, regarding the notion that the Mirŭksa kaet'ap was a Yŏngbulgol ceremony, we must consider that when the Mirŭk Temple site was excavated, the only objects discovered were burnt nails used to secure roof tiles (wajŏng 瓦釘) and convex and concave end tiles (Yun 2003: 446; Yang 2009: 366); recent excavations have failed to uncover evidence for the assertion that the wooden stūpa created during the Paekche period survived until the Later Paekche period (Song 2002: 42–47). The evidence leads to the conclusion that the wooden stūpa in the courtyard of Mirŭk Temple was destroyed when it was struck by lightning in 719 (Han 2011: 198),19 in which case a Yŏngbulgol ceremony could not have been carried out at the temple courtyard in the presence of a wooden stūpa.
Taking the view, therefore, that the term kaet'ap refers to a kind of Buddhist ceremony, it is more likely that the Mirŭksa kaet'ap was a kind of national ceremony that was held at Mirŭk Temple.
The background to the Mirŭksa kaet'ap is related to the attack on Taeya Fortress in 920 that was meant to ease the long-standing resentment believed to be felt by the spirit of the deceased King Ŭija, as revealed in the relocation of Later Paekche's capital to Chŏnju. The king of Later Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn, needed a ceremony to commemorate the concrete realization of Later Paekche's identity as the continuation of Paekche and of his rightful succession to the crown, as he demonstrated in the relocation of the new kingdom's capital to Chŏnju in 900. He also needed to announce this to domestic and foreign powers. He could have held the ceremony in the capital city of Chŏnju, but he chose to do so in the region of Iksan instead, which is where he claimed, in his speech in 900, that Paekche was founded. It seems that he chose Iksan because it effectively showed that Later Paekche had gotten revenge for Paekche's defeat by Silla, and that Kyŏn Hwŏn had a rightful claim to being king and successor to Paekche.
Iksan is believed to have been the capital newly created by King Mu of Paekche, and Mirŭk Temple is thought to have been built by the same king to reinforce his ideology of a newly unified kingdom under the descent to Earth of the Maitreya Buddha. We can conclude that the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony, which was held in such a symbolic location, was intended as a ritual to inform the gods and the deceased line of Paekche kings of Kyŏn Hwŏn's success in avenging Paekche's demise at the hands of Silla.
Further evidence for this understanding of the Mirŭksa kaet'ap of 922 can be found in Japanese historical records (Fusō Ryakki 扶桑略記, or Abbreviated Chronicles of Japan, compiled by the Tendai monk Kōen 皇円 [d. 1169] in 1094) and diplomatic documents (Honchō Monzui 本朝文粹, or The Literary Essence of Our Court, compiled by Fujiwara no Akihira 藤原明衡 [ca. 989–1066]), that reveal Kyŏn Hwŏn's intention of gaining recognition as the rightful successor to the throne of the vanquished Paekche kingdom (Yamasaki 2016: 2–6). According to Japanese diplomatic documents, Kyŏn Hwŏn wished to enter into friendly relations with Japan but was refused. One particular point of interest is the following statement in one of the diplomatic documents written from the point of view of Later Paekche: “The diplomatic hostage fled the country, and because of various unfounded accusations made by a neighboring state, the pact [between Japan and Paekche], which was meant to last a thousand years, was broken.”20 The diplomatic hostage referred to here is Kim Ch'unch'u, who went to Japan in 647 to establish diplomatic relations between that country and Silla (Yamasaki 2016: 3; Pak 2017: 151–52). However, Kim Ch'unch'u was not, in fact, a hostage of Japan. Later Paekche's use of the term seems to have stemmed from the time that Kim Ch'unch'u was held hostage by Koguryŏ. The statement can be understood as a form of diplomatic rhetoric meant to highlight Later Paekche's successful capture of Taeya Fortress in 920, a fortress that was historically and symbolically important to Kim Ch'unch'u, who earnestly desired to see the collapse of Paekche. In addition, it seems that Kim Ch'unch'u is mentioned so as to blame him for the dissolution of friendly relations between Paekche and Japan.
We can conclude that the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony held in 922 and the promotion of diplomatic relations with Japan not only served as a declaration to the new kingdom's people and the deceased line of Paekche kings that the kingdom had been successfully revived by Kyŏn Hwŏn as Later Paekche but also confirmed Later Paekche's status as the true and rightful successor to Paekche through attempts to restore the friendly foreign relations that Paekche had enjoyed (Pak 2017: 161–65). In particular, Later Paekche's request to enter into friendly relations with Japan was meant to do away with the conception of the new kingdom as consisting of former rulers of Silla territory and to declare to the world that it was the rightful heir to the Paekche kingdom and thereby entitled to equal status with Silla.
Just as Iksan was recognized as part of Mahan territory, it seems that even up until the period immediately after the fall of Taeya Fortress in 920, Later Paekche was intending to announce to the people of the Yŏngsan River basin that it wished for them to accept the shared identity of Mahan and Paekche and voluntarily acquiesce to the rule of the new kingdom. The purpose of the sŏnbulchang monastic examination, which was held in Koch'ang, part of the area under the cultural influence of the people of the Yŏngsan River basin (Kim 2017: 178), and carried out in connection with the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony, seems to have been to convey this message.
After Later Paekche conquered Taeya Fortress in 920, it chose the symbolic location of Iksan to host a nationwide ceremony it called Mirŭksa kaet'ap, as it would be an effective means of promoting the capture of the fortress as confirmation of the rightful founding of the new kingdom. Furthermore, by revamping historical Paekche sites in addition to holding the Mirŭksa kaet'ap, Later Paekche intended to emphasize its identity as the successor to that kingdom. The revamping of Paeckche sites can be inferred from the fact that roof tiles uncovered in the Iksan region at such locations as the site of the Paekche royal palace and Paekche royal temple sites, including the Mirŭk Temple site and Chesŏk Temple site, were manufactured during the Later Three Kingdoms period (PNRICH 2011–2013).
Kyŏn Hwŏn chose to construct the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni in Iksan (fig. 8) at the Paekche royal palace. And the choice of location makes it clear that the stūpa was meant as a memorial conveying a symbolic message: namely that Later Paekche was to be successor to Paekche. Furthermore, the top-story roof stone of the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni is thin and flat, and its lower roof stones and central inner stones were both constructed with several layers, in the same fashion as the Paekche-era stone stūpa at the Mirŭk Temple Site in Iksan (fig. 9) and the Five-Story Stone Stūpa at the Chŏngnim Temple Site in Puyŏ.
The Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni has been considered a creation of the Paekche era, but the Gilt-bronze Buddha (fig. 10) that was enshrined in the inner stones of the stūpa's stylobate was clearly sculpted in a style that was in fashion between the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth century (Ch'oe 1997: 5–24).
Furthermore, the post-and-lintel construction technique of the stūpa's stylobate was not used for Paekche-era stone stūpas, but the same technique was used in the construction of the Three-Story Stone Stūpa of Pongam Temple in Mun'gyŏng (fig. 11), the Three-Story Stone Stūpa of Naehwa-ri in Mun'gyŏng, and the Three-Story Stone Stūpa of Hwadal-li in Sangju, which were all constructed in the Mun'gyŏng and Sangju regions during the latter half of the ninth century (Chin 2010: 163–65). We must recall that the creations of Later Paekche were heavily influenced by the Buddhist artwork of North Kyŏngsang province. In addition, archeological excavations carried out near the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni have shown that the stūpa could not have been constructed during the Paekche or Unified Silla eras (Chŏn 2015: 64–77). Given all the available evidence, it is appropriate to conclude that the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni was constructed as a re-creation of Paekche-era stone stūpas during the Later Paekche era using the techniques of craftsmen from North Kyŏngsang province.
Even though both the Stone Buddha Triad of the Pongnim Temple Site and the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni are pieces of Buddhist artwork that were constructed with the participation of artisans from the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province, there is a significant difference between them in the degree to which they incorporate elements of Paekche-era Buddhist art. The reason for this difference is considered to be a change in the makeup of local power holders in Later Paekche, which began to include people born within Silla territory after the capture of Taeya Fortress in 920 (Chin 2021: 163–65). After power holders from former Paekche territory captured the fortress in 920 and organized the Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony in 922, they sought to fully instill an understanding of the new kingdom as the successor to Paekche and to solidify their newfound leadership positions by moving beyond creating Buddhist artwork that was merely reminiscent of the Paekche kingdom to making faithful re-creations of former Paekche Buddhist artwork. The Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni was not simply one Buddhist stūpa among many others; nor was it simply a symbol of the identity of the new kingdom and its power. Rather, it was a concrete symbolic construction that memorialized the beginning of a new direction taken by the political power structure.
Propaganda Tools for Expressing Changes in Political Identity
After Kyŏn Hwŏn's military conquests, he established a new national consciousness and solidified the identity of Later Paekche as the successor kingdom to Paekche by revamping historical sites and establishing monuments. But he went further than that; he began working toward his other goal of unifying the Yŏngsan River basin, a goal he had announced when he relocated the capital, by carrying out repair work in the Iksan region. But this new direction in Later Paekche political policy led to the desertion of allied powerful families hailing from the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province, in particular, but also in other areas that had been Silla territory and that had maintained close relations with the new king until that time.
Three generals who had served under Kyŏn Hwŏn defected to their former rival Wang Kŏn of Koryŏ. Wŏn Bong, the supervisor of military affairs for Paekche of Haji Fortress, and Hong Sul, the supervisor of military affairs for Paekche of Chinbo Fortress, defected in 922.21 Yang Mun, the supervisor of Paekche military affairs of Kyŏngsan-bu, defected in 923.22 They all belonged to powerful families from the region surrounding Sangju (Mun 2008: 124–28). While the threat of physical harm from Koryŏ must have played a role in the defection of these generals and the powerful families that followed them, the overriding reason seems to have been their hostility toward Kyŏn Hwŏn, whom they had supported in his dual role as both a regional governor and the king of Later Paekche; however, in 920 Kyŏn Hwŏn had changed course by attempting to establish a singular identity as the rightful successor to the Paekche throne. There must have been strong hostility toward Kyŏn Hwŏn, as he had emerged as the king of a successor kingdom to Paekche within, of all places, Silla territory. Kyŏn Hwŏn did not ignore the defection of powerful families from the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province. In July 924 he sent his son Sumigang to attack Chomul Fortress.23 Given that Kyŏn Hwŏn sent one of his own sons, it must have been a full-scale offensive; yet they failed to capture the fortress. After successfully subjugating Chomul Fortress in October 925 but failing to bring it completely under his control, Kyŏn Hwŏn entered into friendly relations with Koryŏ.24
But starting with the capture of Taeya Fortress in December 925, Kyŏn Hwŏn went on to expand his gradual conquest of Silla territory by seizing some twenty fortresses, including ones within the Kŏch'ang region.25 He had launched a full-scale military campaign against Silla. When Kyŏn Hwŏn founded his kingdom, he had thought of himself as a ruler of Silla territory, but pushed on to declare himself the successor king to Paekche. Then, it seems, he went beyond just claiming equal status for his kingdom alongside Silla, by putting himself forward as a leader who would unify all three kingdoms of the Korean peninsula. He dispatched an emissary to Later Tang in 925 to request official recognition as a sovereign state. Later Tang conferred the titles of Supervisor of Paekche Military Affairs (P'anbaekchegunsa 判百濟軍事) and King of Paekche (Paekche wang 百濟王) upon Kyŏn Hwŏn.26 This brought official recognition of Later Paekche as the rightful successor to Paekche. Until that time, Later Tang had referred to the king of Later Paekche with a title that had been given to the ruler of Wuyue, which was the name of one of the ten kingdoms during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period in China. By receiving new titles from one of China's Five Dynasties, Kyŏn Hwŏn had established Later Paekche's position as a kingdom with equal status to Silla. It seems that this provided the impetus for Later Paekche to go beyond its original political goal of gaining recognition as the successor to Paekche and make an attempt to unify Korea's Later Three Kingdoms. Some evidence for this inference can be found in the letter sent by Kyŏn Hwŏn to the king of Koryŏ in 927 after the battle at Andong, which states, “Victory and defeat are determined by strength and weakness. I wish to hang my bow in the palace at P'yŏngyang and give my horses the water of the Taedong River to drink” (Chin 2021: 68).27
The change in Later Paekche's political policy served as the catalyst for the alliance between Silla and Koryŏ, and caused a natural surge of resentment toward Kyŏn Hwŏn and Later Paekche within Silla territory. The defections of Wŏn Bong, the Supervisor of Military Affairs for Haji Fortress, Sŏngdal of Myŏngji Fortress, and Yang Mun of Kyŏngsan-bu, as well as others, to Wang Kŏn of Koryŏ gave momentum to further desertions by powerful families residing in former Silla terrority who had been sympathetic to Later Paekche (Chin 2021: 64–65).
After officially securing his status as equal to the king of Silla in the eyes of Later Tang, Kyŏn Hwŏn carried out an invasion of Kyŏngju in an attempt to prevent the defection of powerful families from Later Paekche. He ambushed Koul-bu in September 927, after attacking and setting fire to Kŭnp'um Fortress, which had become part of Koryŏ territory in March of the same year. He then proceeded to attack Kyŏngju, the capital of Silla. Kyŏn Hwŏn killed King Kyŏngae and made Kim Pu (King Kyŏngsun) the temporary ruler of the state.28 He enslaved the children of the royal family and the state's leading craftsmen. Then he engaged in battle with Koryŏ troops at Tonghwa Temple on Mt. P'algong and almost completely wiped out their army.29
Following the attack on Kyŏngju in 927, Wŏn Bong of Haji Fortress and others who had also defected from Kyŏn Hwŏn around 925 came back under the control of the king of Later Paekche.30 In an instant, Kyŏn Hwŏn had gained control over the rulers of Silla territory. With the confidence gained from its successful attack on Kyŏngju and its victory in battle at Tonghwa Temple, Later Paekche won nearly every battle with Koryŏ up to 930 (Mun 2008: 164–67). Kyŏn Hwŏn's kingdom had arrived at the peak of its power and was in control of the Yŏngsan River basin.
Given that Wang Kŏn of Koryŏ told his generals in 935 that Naju, formerly part of Koryŏ territory, had at that time been under the control of Later Paekche for six years, we can assume that Naju had been seized by Later Paekche in 929.31 The capture of Naju did not simply result in the expansion of the territory of Later Paekche and the pacification of its border region. It served as a visible manifestation of Kyŏn Hwŏn's unifying ideology of Mahan and Paekche sharing a common identity. Having achieved his goal of becoming the recognized ruler of the successor kingdom to Paekche and unifying “Paekche” and “Mahan” in accordance with the stated political identity of his new kingdom, Kyŏn Hwŏn led his army in an attempt to forcefully subjugate Silla territory at the end of 929 and beginning of 930. But they were defeated by Koryŏ troops in the battle at Andong, and Later Paekche lost control of the northern region of North Kyŏngsang province.
Nevertheless, Later Paekche remained in control of a strong military force and invaded the Yesŏng River region in September 932 in preparation for a direct attack on the Koryŏ capital of Kaegyŏng.32 Furthermore, in 927 Later Tang officially recognized the king of Silla, whom Kyŏn Hwŏn had installed on the throne, as that state's rightful temporary ruler, and it was not until 933 that the king of Koryŏ received investiture from Later Tang;33 even though it was a mere three years before the demise of Later Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn was the only leader of the Later Three Kingdoms whom Later Tang would formally recognize as having the legitimate right to rule over a unified Korean peninsula. In order to unify the societies and cultures of the three kingdoms, there was no choice but to recognize and follow the supremacy of the culture of Silla. Evidence for this state of affairs can be seen in Kyŏn Hwŏn's capture of not only Silla's royal family but also its most skilled craftsmen following the attack on Kyŏngju in 927. Kyŏn Hwŏn's active promotion of this change in direction may have been related to his familiarity and preference, indeed his yearning, for the dominant central culture of Silla (Sin 1989: 90–94; Chin 2010: 181); but more than anything it seems it was due to the difficulty of persuading the rulers of Silla and Koryŏ to adopt the culture of Later Paekche.
The change in Later Paekche's identity to an “alternative to Silla” and “consummate unifier” can clearly be seen in the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju (fig. 12). Prior to Kyŏn Hwŏn's relocation of the capital to Chŏnju in 900, the Naju region had been under his control. Once he managed to regain control of the region some thirty years later, he must have wanted to create a visible representation of the new identity of Later Paekche. Some verification for this can be found in the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju, which, unlike the standard stone Buddhas of the time, faces north in the direction of the central region of Naju. The statue gives one the sense that it was not only meant as a regular object of Buddhist worship but was also constructed with political goals in mind.
However, the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni has stylistic features that differ from statues of Buddha that were constructed between the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth century in Later Paekche, and, of course, from Paekche-era statues. It is perhaps for this reason that the statue has been considered a creation of maternal relatives of King Hyejong of Koryŏ (Sŏng 2006: 143–44), or as one of the large statues of Buddha created on a grand scale by Koryŏ (Ch'oe 2004: 350). But this stone Buddha has large hands and feet and rests on a large stone pillar, with a sense of volume and proportion that differs from early Koryŏ new-style stone Buddhas (Chin 2015a: 6–15). Additionally, this statue is said to have bow-shaped lips, which are also found on the Standing Stone Buddha of Kisol-li in Ansŏng (fig. 13), known as the “Mirŭk of Kungye,” which has been considered a Buddhist statue from the state of T'aebong 泰封 (901–18), created to commemorate Kungye's naval victory at Tŏkchinp'o 德眞浦 in 912 (Chŏng 2014: 248–66). But the transformation visible in the long, slender stone pillar of the Standing Stone Buddha of Kisol-li in Ansŏng, which has barely any three-dimensionality to it, leads to the conclusion that it was constructed sometime in the eleventh century (Chin 2015b: 156–58).
The Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju bears instead a resemblance to a Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha (fig. 14) of the middle Silla period, displaying the common mudras (Varada Mudrā and Abhaya Mudrā) and the drapery pattern of multiple U-folds over the entire body (Kim 1999: 156–58). The Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju is five times larger than a life-sized statue and has a generous sense of volume, with small hands and feet and convex clothing folds, all of which are features and styles found in the eighth-century Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha (Chin 2015b: 156–58). So this statue cannot have been created in the eighth century, because during that time large statues of Buddha were only constructed in the region of Kyŏngju, the capital of Silla. The sculptor of the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju must have been a skilled craftsman from among the captives taken during the attack on Kyŏngju in 927. And the reason that Later Paekche chose to construct a re-creation of a statue from the mid-Silla period was to enforce the newly introduced identities of “alternative to Silla” and “consummate unifier.”
In the early 920s, Kyŏn Hwŏn managed to achieve the political goal of creating a successor kingdom to Paekche, just as he had announced at the founding of Later Paekche. He did this through military conquest, the organization of ceremonies, and the construction of symbolic structures. After 925 his goal changed from merely reigning as the latest in the restored line of Paekche kings to achieving unification of the three kingdoms under his leadership. Before beginning his attempt to conquer the whole peninsula, he received an investiture from Later Tang to give him the credibility and official recognition he required. He then began a full-scale attack on Silla, capturing the capital of Kyŏngju in 927 and going so far as to slay the king. Kyŏn Hwŏn's military then went on to nearly succeed in bringing about the fall of Koryŏ. He conquered the Yŏngsan River basin (region of Naju) in 929, a region he had desired to control since it had declared its independence, thereby becoming the most powerful of the Later Three Kingdoms. At this point, in order to unify the three kingdoms of the peninsula, Kyŏn Hwŏn needed to establish an image of himself not as the rightful heir to the throne of Paekche but as the rightful successor to Unified Silla. The symbolic way he chose to do this was by re-creating a Buddhist statue from the golden age of Silla, which took the form of the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju and was created with the help of master craftsmen who had been in the employ of the king of Silla. But this sudden change in direction taken by Kyŏn Hwŏn led to the desertion of powerful families who had supported his original goal of establishing Later Paekche as a successor to Paekche, and this ultimately led to the downfall of the new kingdom.
Conclusion
Later Paekche was one of three kingdoms that existed on the Korean peninsula at the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth century. Its leader, Kyŏn Hwŏn, founded the kingdom in 892 in the eastern region of Muju, which had belonged to the southwestern region of the Silla kingdom. He was unable at the time to put forth a new ideology and national identity that would unite the people of the region, so he was unsuccessful in persuading the powerful families of the Yŏngsan River basin to submit to his authority. To overcome this difficulty, he moved his capital to Chŏnju in 900. Kyŏn Hwŏn announced in Chŏnju that the kingdom was to be identified as the rightful successor kingdom to Paekche, based on the identification of a shared identity between Mahan and Paekche. In the year following the relocation of the capital, he mobilized his troops to try to conquer Taeya Fortress and Naju in order to effectively instill the notion of a shared identity between Mahan and Paekche and gain legitimacy for his claim to be the successor kingdom to Paekche. After the campaign failed, Kyŏn Hwŏn focused his efforts on his native region in the north of Silla in an attempt to shore up his weakened power.
Later Paekche faced the dilemma of pursuing its ideals or facing reality, meaning there was an incompatibility between its claim to be the successor kingdom to Paekche and its attempt to increase its strength, which meant bringing the people of Silla to its side. This dilemma is reflected in the Buddhist artwork created at this time, which contained a mix of elements taken from the style of Buddhist artwork native to the northern region of Silla and partial imitations of Buddhist artwork from the Paekche era. When Kyŏn Hwŏn moved Later Paekche's capital to Chŏnju in 900, he declared that he would seek revenge for the deceased King Ŭija. The best place to do so was Taeya Fortress, and after several failed attempts to capture the fortress, he was finally successful in 920. This victory served to further legitimize Later Paekche as the rightful successor to Paekche. Kyŏn Hwŏn then carried out repair work in the region of Iksan, which he thought had been a central base of both Mahan and Paekche. He organized a Mirŭksa kaet'ap ceremony there in order to announce to local and foreign powers that Later Paekche had fulfilled its mission of establishing a successor kingdom to Paekche. But Kyŏn Hwŏn did not stop there. He constructed a five-story stone stūpa modeled on the one that had stood at Mirŭk Temple in the vicinity of the Paekche royal palace.
This stūpa was a political symbol that served to highlight Later Paekche's status as the continuation of the Paekche kingdom. In 925, having successfully solidified his kingdom's claim as the rightful successor to Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn became confident enough to assert himself as the rightful ruler of all three kingdoms on the Korean peninsula. After attacking the capital of Silla in 927 and defeating Koryŏ in a battle at Tonghwa Temple, Kyŏn Hwŏn changed the goal of Later Paekche to the successful unification of the Later Three Kingdoms. Only the culture of Silla would be accepted by the people of all three kingdoms, so he began to promote it. We can see an example of this in the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju, which was constructed in 929 to memorialize Later Paekche's conquest of the Naju region. This statue seems to have been a re-creation of the Gilt-bronze Buddha of Unified Silla, serving as a symbol of Kyŏn Hwŏn's changing priorities and alteration of the identity of Later Paekche.
This essay has attempted to demonstrate that the short-lived kingdom of Later Paekche constructed Buddhist artwork not only as objects of religious worship but also as explicit political symbolism. It has been shown that the aesthetics of the artworks underwent rapid change in a short period in accordance with Later Paekche's shifting identity and political goals. The tendency toward using Buddhist artwork as political symbolism was not limited to the Korean peninsula during that era. However, the use of Buddhist artwork for political means during this transformative period of history can best be seen in the chaotic situation on the Korean peninsula, at a time when there were many changes in regimes and large fluctuations in the political landscape, leading to sudden and drastic changes in political policy.
Notes
The stūpas within China that were believed to have been built by King Aśoka are mentioned in historical sources. The leading examples are the stūpa at Changgan Temple in Nanjing 南京, sponsored by Emperor Wu of Liang (Liang Wudi 梁武帝), and the stūpa at Zhengxian 鄭縣 in Gueiji 會稽 (Chu 2007: 378–83).
Tanyao was born in 460 in what is now Gansu Province; he was the second shamentong of Northern Wei. Tanyao constructed sixteen to twenty of the caves at Yun'gang Grottoes. The statues of Buddha in the caves were modeled after the first to fifth emperors of the Northern Wei dynasty established by the Tuoba Xianbei 拓跋鮮卑 Tribe, intending to represent the idea that “the emperor is none other than the Buddha.” The statues have large, sturdy bodies and broad shoulders, with prominent noses and deep-set eyes. The statues also feature exposed chests and shoulders.
Later Paekche was founded in 892 within the territory of the former Paekche by Kyŏn Hwŏn, a soldier from Silla. At first, he simply gave himself the title of king, but in 900 named his kingdom “Paekche,” claiming legitimate succession to the former kingdom's throne. The term “Later Paekche” was created after its downfall in order to distinguish the kingdom from the original Paekche kingdom. Later Paekche came to an end with the surrender of Kyŏn Hwŏn's son, Sin Kŏm, to Koryŏ in 936.
The royal family and powerful local families were important patrons of Buddhist artwork in Later Paekche. The artwork sponsored by powerful local families tended to imitate the Buddhist artwork of earlier periods, while the artwork sponsored by the royal family was created in a style unique to Later Paekche. Because the kingdom of Later Paekche was short-lived, this essay examines a limited number of Buddhist artworks: the Buddhist art found at the Pongnim Temple Site in Wanju, the Five-Story Stone Stūpa of Wanggung-ni in Iksan, and the Stone Buddha of Ch’ŏlch’ŏn-ni in Naju.
Sŏnamhae, where Kyŏn Hwŏn served as the commanding general in charge of defense, is believed to be the present-day eastern region of South Chŏlla province. This is based on a consideration of artifacts from the Later Paekche period unearthed at sites in the districts in the southeast of Muju that were conquered after 892, and sites around Sunch’ŏn Bay, which was the base of families that exercised power from the formation of Later Paekche onward (Chin 2019: 118–19).
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi (三國史記, Historical Records of the Three Kingdoms), kwŏn 50 (Kim 1998: 882).
“Mahan” refers to the confederation of fifty-four small states that were founded in the southwestern portion of the Korean Peninsula during the first century BCE. Paekche was founded and came to prominence in the Han River basin; as it expanded south, it conquered Mahan. Historical records indicate that Mahan had been completely overtaken by Paekche by no later than the mid-fourth century. However, archeological work has revealed that up until the late sixth century, the people of the Yŏngsan River basin maintained a unique culture that had inherited characteristics of the Mahan culture, which was distinct from that of Paekche. There was also no Paekche revival movement in the Yŏngsan River basin, unlike the one that took place in the regions of present-day North Chŏlla province and South Ch'ungch’ŏng province. Judging from these facts, the people of the Yŏngsan River basin, who had only a weak sense of belonging to Paekche, would not have welcomed Kyŏn Hwŏn's rise to power (Chin 2019: 125–26).
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50 (Kim 1998: 882).
Kungye founded Later Koguryŏ in 901; it was centered in the region of present-day Kyŏnggi province and Kangwŏn province. Kungye claimed succession to the former kingdom of Koryŏ; he changed the name of the state to Majin in 904, and then to T'aebong in 911. T'aebong was destroyed by Wang Kŏn in 918.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50 (Kim 1998: 883).
“T'aejo 1” (King T'aejo 1), in Koryŏsa (高麗史, History of Koryŏ), kwŏn 1; Chŏng 2001: 79.
According to Samguksagi, Kyŏn Hwŏn's original surname was Yi, which was later changed to Kyŏn. A fable in the Samguk yusa states that Kyŏn Hwŏn was the son of a large worm and was born in the village of Pukch'on in Kwangju (Mujinju).
“Hyogong wang” (King Hyogong), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Eleventh year of King Hyogong's reign; Kim 1998: 289.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 883.
“Sindŏk wang” (King Sindŏk), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Fifth year of King Sindŏk's reign; Kim 1998: 290.
The reason for this supposition is that the rock-carved Buddha of the Oksan Temple Site in Andong has characteristics similar to those found in Silla Buddhist statues from the late ninth century but lacks Paekche-style elements such as those found in the Stone Buddha Triad of the Pongnim Temple Site.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 883.
The term kaet'ap comes from a phrase in the Fahuajing 法華經 (Lotus Sūtra)—“kaebot'ap 開寶塔 (opening of the treasure stūpa).” In general, the enshrinement of a new Buddha statue in a temple is called kaegwang 開光 or kaean 開眼. Thus, it can be seen as a ritual related to the creation of a new stūpa or additional burial of a śarīra. However, the excavation of the Mirŭk Temple site revealed no traces of a new wooden stūpa or stone stūpa in the early tenth century, and there was no evidence of the enshrinement or removal of a śarīra. Therefore, I argue in this essay that the word kaet'ap was used for a particular kind of Buddhist ritual.
The Samguksagi states that Mirŭk Temple was struck by lightning in 719, during the ninth lunar month of the eighth year of King Sŏngdŏk's reign. “Sŏngdŏk Wang” (King Sŏngdŏk), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 8, ninth lunar month of the eighteenth year of King Sŏngdŏk's reign; Kim 1998: 221.
“Dazai kotae Shiragi henchō” 大宰答新羅返牒, in Honchō Monzui (本朝文粹, The Literary Essence of Our Court), kan 12; Kokusho Kankōkai 1918: 214. 而自質子逃遁 鄰言矯誣 一千年之盟約斯渝.
“Kyŏngmyŏng wang” (King Kyŏngmyŏng), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. First lunar month of the sixth year of King Kyŏngmyŏng's reign; Kim 1998: 293.
“Kyŏngmyŏng wang” (King Kyŏngmyŏng), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Seventh lunar month of the seventh year of King Kyŏngmyŏng's reign; Kim 1998: 293.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 884.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 884.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 884.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 884.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 886.
“Kyŏngae wang” (King Kyŏngae), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Ninth lunar month of the fourth year of King Kyŏngmae's reign; Kim 1998: 2295–96.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 884–85.
“Kyŏngsun wang” (King Kyŏngsun), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Seventh lunar month of the third year of King Kyŏngsun's reign; Kim 1998: 296–97.
“Yu Kŭmp'il,” in Koryŏsa, kwŏn 92; Chŏng 2001: 210.
“Kyŏn Hwŏn,” in Samguksagi, kwŏn 50; Kim 1998: 893.
“Silla,” in Wudai shiji (五代史記, Historical Records of the Five Dynasties); “Kyŏngae wang” (King Kyŏngae), in Samguksagi, kwŏn 12. Ninth lunar month of the fourth year of King Kyŏngae's reign; “T'aejo 2” (King T'aejo 2), in Koryŏsa, kwŏn 2. Third lunar month of the sixteenth year of King T'aejo's reign; Kim 1998: 296; Chŏng 2001: 122–26.
“Kongjik,” in Koryŏsa, kwŏn 92; Chŏng 2001: 228–30.