... in the U.S. academic Left across the last thirty years. Social Text 's attention to the long cold wars in the Americas shifted in the late eighties as writers traced new ideological positions and discourses, struggling over the meaning of the Americas amid the culture wars of the Reagan-Bush years, engaging...

...-Bush campaign to tear down the gains of the New Deal, the Bush-Cheney regime has fostered further deregulation, enabling predatory corporate behavior. George W.’s reign, like that of his father, has resumed this vision of governing in order to undo government as the realm “of the people...

...,” and positing Islam as the “new enemy for a new world order.”1 President Bush declared, “Islam is not the enemy.” Nonetheless, the administration and its allies—neoconservatives, the Christian Right, and pro-Israel hawks—encouraged this understanding by promoting a vision of the world divided...

...Nancy Shaw Duke University Press 2003 Cloning Scapegoats MARTHA STEWART DOES INSIDER TRADING Since the fall of the World Trade Center (WTC), the Bush administration Nancy Shaw has...

..., which has included such prominent conservative women—many of whom are mar- ried to prominent conservative men—as Lynne Cheney, head of the National Endowment for the Humanities under Presidents Reagan and Bush...

.... No tions of patriarchal privilege into fuller view. Neither form of masculin- ism—bin Laden’s terror tactics or Bush’s bombs—is good enough for one system of women and girls across this globe. And Bush’s bombs should not now be cloaked and legitimized by a defense of women’s rights...

... presence in American culture is as a media phenomenon. Indeed, the effects of his audiovisual presence in the U.S. (and more broadly “Western”) media are directly tied to the structural absence of his body. He speaks to Americans, though the Bush administration’s military has not found...

.... Richard Maxwell —President George W. Bush to the CIA workforce, 26 September 2001 The Problem of Surveillance Labor Surveillance is tough work. Depending on the job, the U.S. Department of Labor tells us that working conditions can include any combination...

... to conservative activism between 1980 and 2004 would have noticed a shift in tactics. During the Reagan, Bush I, and Clinton years, issues were framed and circulated to the media by the leading think tanks, spread by mass-membership organizations...

... 47 The attempted racial-cultural hierarchies.20 What I am tracing here is not a simple identity politics (which the Bush administration has been happy to exploit and the surveillance of D’Souzas of the world happy to explode), but I am not throwing out...

... coalition politics, immigrant rights, liberal multi- culturalism, and conservative colorblindness operate uneasily — and often unwittingly — within a broad-based strategic integration. In this light, we might augment the post-9/11 critique of the racial state regarding the Bush administration’s...

... the 2001 USA Patriot Act, the Guantánamo Bay prison camp, and the 2002 and 2006 Bush administration National Security Strategy. Spirit of Neoliberalism At racial Racial Liberalism and Transnational Capitalism...

... of the terrorist attacks to destroy the nation. As George W. Bush put it, “It is natural to wonder if America’s future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States...

...)—attempted some dam- 60 Mark Driscoll age control, the twenty-page document still reads in many places like the notorious Bush doctrine that would follow it by six months. The fifth line of the Monterrey Consensus puts the theme of the FfD in bold by stating: “Mobilizing...

... the secular communist Muhamed Najibullah in Afghanistan. At the time of the Gulf War, George W. Bush’s father offered us a similar discourse about another incarnation of evil, Saddam Hussein, who had previously been the ally of American...

... on terror evokes the military campaigns that the Bush regime has pursued in the name of responding to the September 11 attacks. This apparent difference echoes the one that Wendy Brown has observed between “neo- conservatism,” the hawkish ideology of the Bush administration as it seeks to “intensify...

... the negotiations in January 2001 to unsuccessfully contest the Israeli election, and it was the incoming Sharon and Bush administrations that refused to resume them. The media also wash away Sharon’s blood- stained record as the military commander who allowed the Phalangists in Lebanon to carry out massacres...

.... Bush’s announcement, at the war’s beginning, that the U.S. intent was “to bring freedom to others.”1 But as of now, at least, the Bush administra- tion has guaranteed that it will abide by the will of the new governmental structure. Thus, putting aside such objections for the purposes...

... and weeks following the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, a rapid prolifer- ation of mocking images circulated of a turbaned Osama bin Laden, not to mention of the turban itself. In a photomontage from Stileproject.com, even George Bush has been depicted sporting a bin...

... in history.” And in a September 2003 address, President George W. Bush claimed that the war in Iraq was postmodern “one of the swiftest and most humane military campaigns in history.”2 Three years later, with the occupation on the brink of civil war...