... Relations with Independent Africa (ASCRIA), which was then loosely allied with the ruling People’s National Congress of Prime Minister Forbes Burnham. American officials described King as the “political boss of [the] tough African village of Buxton and [a] radical influence among some of Burnham’s...

..., and Venezuela (in the late 1960s and 1970s) as its object, this paper is about culture and the dynamism that exists for bringing us together and keeping us apart. After Guyana gained its independence from Great Britain in 1966, then Prime Minister and Peoples National Congress (PNC) leader Forbes Burnham...

... that appears to have surrounded the occasion. And understandably so. Because of course the conference was organized to coincide with, and therefore be an integral part of, the cel- ebrations marking the birth of Forbes Burnham’s Co-operative Republic (23 February 1970). If it was an altogether astonishing...

..., the governor, and the business community. Th e uncertainty extended to the inner councils of the PPP, as the opportunity to lead the new govern- ment unleashed a power struggle among its leaders—with Cheddi Jagan and Forbes Burnham as the major rivals. As the party moved to select its list...

... growing up in my mother’s and father’s household is that they really did know everybody. So in my household I would be in this other kind of confusion, but this confusion that excited me. Everybody would be there, ranging from Cheddi sometimes, certainly always Burnham, and the various writers...

... from the Afro-Indian violence of 1962, 1963, and 1964, and the rigged elections of 1968, set the stage for the political and social imperatives of the 1970s. Following the rise to power of Forbes Burnham’s PNC in 1965, the postcolonial state underwent democratic decline. Begin- ning...

... charged and highly rhetorical, not least because of the timing of the appearance of the book, which was the year that Jagan’s arch rival, Forbes Burnham, had been sworn in as the fi rst leader of a newly indepen- dent Guyana. Taking a position starkly opposite to Smith’s, Lewis criticizes Jagan...

.... The colonial state’s efforts to maintain dams and sea defenses rested not only on ideologies of whiteness and capital but on the legitimization of racial heterogeneity. In the 1950s, two anticolonial political figures—Indo-Guyanese Cheddi Jagan and Afro-Guyanese Forbes Burnham—established the People’s...

... Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa, a Pan-African and cultural-nationalist organization that, at one point, was closely aligned with the People’s National Congress, led by Forbes Burnham. Eventually, in the early 1970s, Kwayana broke with Burnham, and in 1974 he merged ASCRIA...

... as Guyana’s minister of information from 1967 to 1970 before resigning in protest of Forbes Burnham’s increasingly oppressive methods. See the published version of the lecture “A Free Community of Valid Persons,” in which Carter outlines his grievances against Burnham’s government in: Martin...

... that was organized around competing racial claims to the state. And, despite 28. C. Y. Th omas, “State Capitalism in Guyana: An Assessment of Burnham’s Cooperative Socialist Republic,” in Th emes in African-Guyanese History (Georgetown: Free Press, 1998), 371–402. 29. ASCRIA, “Statement...

... study of the history of naturalization in Haiti that includes details on individual cases going back to the nineteenth century. 22 This study illuminates a broader social history that deserves much more research. Thorald Burnham's dissertation research, which included the study of marriage records...

... repealed the obeah laws. In Guyana, despite Forbes Burnham’s 1973 announce- ment and widespread belief that the obeah laws had been repealed, I have been unable to find any record of an actual change in the law. The British dependencies of Anguilla, Montserrat, and the British Virgin Islands...

... in the postindependence history of the region, shadowed by its inception under the watchful eye of Forbes Burnham of Guyana. 2 Freed from this constraint and hosted by Jamaica, the second installment of Carifesta became a signal event in the region’s cultural history, and it is a sign of the paucity of writing...

... Cordis ] Forging Relational Difference the then socialist-leaning PPP, led by Cheddi Jagan, motivated the imperialist interventions of the United States and Britain through the initial support of the more conservative PNC leader Forbes Burnham. Burnham subsequently led a nearly three-decades-long...

.... There was, for example, the well-worn—although perhaps contextually apt then—joke about Burnham naming everything after himself and family, with the highway to Linden originally being slated to be christened “Viola's Passage.” We are halfway up the East Bank Highway just as the sun is rising on the Demerara...

... Photograph byDavid Scott George Lamming, Atlantis, Barbados, August 18, 2000 was particularly evident—or particularly absurd—in Guyana in those darkening Forbes Burnham years of the cooperative 1970s, but as we were to learn soon enough in the rest of the region, that distinctive...

... had passed, and Carter’s and Guyana’s political fortunes had changed dramatically. In 1961 the PPP was not the party it had been in 1954. In 1955 the Burnham and Jagan factions split: Carter remained with the Jagans but he did not stay in the party long enough to stand in the next elections...

... aim was to develop a Marxist theory of Caribbean state formation. His immediate political objective was to de-mask the Forbes Burnham regime. In his theorization about the Caribbean state, - omas periodized the emergence of the Caribbean state into four stages However, both...

... disenfranchisement. Yet these leaders—men such as Norman Manley, Grantley Adams, Eric Williams, Errol Barrow, Forbes Burnham, and Michael Manley (and, for that matter, their challengers: Walter Rodney, Lloyd Best, Trevor Munroe, or Maurice Bishop)—were also the beneficiaries of educational and social...