...Christopher Clark Copyright September, 1978 by MARHO: The Radical Historians' Organization 1978 The Household Mode of Production-A Comment Christopher Clark Michael Merrill's recent article* provides a much needed focus on crucial...

...James W. Wessman 1979 CONT DEB A Household Mode of Production- An0 t her Comment James W. Wessman Michael Merrill’s recent article on self -sufficiency...

...Michael Merrill 1979 So What’s Wrong with the ”Household Mode of Production”? Michael Merrill WHY I AM A MARXIST-SCHMARXIST Bam! Stubbornly nondialectical! Sock! Quasi-marxist ! Pow! Romantic! Biff! All...

... to establish a capacious notion of the archive devised and enabled by undocumented queer immigrants' households in New York City. Using ethnographic fieldwork and buoyed by writings in affect theory and material culture studies, this essay aspires to understand how seemingly chaotic and disorderly household...

... principle of the economy, making monogamy, domesticity, and partnership conduits for material resources. But as they did so, fewer and fewer working people — and less than half of flight attendants — lived within the boundaries of traditional family, instead organizing their households as single people...

... transformations toward wage depen- dency. By the late 1870s, the number of people working solely for wages in manufacturing, construction, and transportation alone was almost equivalent to the size of the entire population in 1790.3 The strategies that enabled working-class households to survive...

... crops and manufacture many of its household items rather than specialize in marketable products. This was true of farms near Philadelphia as well as those distant from it.14 why did the farmers of the region not take full advantage of the "gains from trade" that would accrue to them with greater...

... collection of attitudes that offers us a single definition. Still, those who have followed the debate among early American his- torians, and certainly those who read the Hahn-Prude collection, should be able to agree on several traits. First, of course, is the centrality of the household, both...

... because they developed outside the strict realm of "production," in the supposedly "private" realm of the household. This attitude ignores the generally close relation between the two realms in farm life; further- more, it assumes that consumption is not an area of social struggle. However...

... of private plots, the policy encouraging individual households to re-open wasteland for private cultivation, the de-collectivization of side• line enterprises and the re-opening of rural trade fairs were hardly "T'aoist" deviations from a socialist norm. In 1960, these policies—collectively...

...- tion. The Parsonian framework implicit in many works of family history has been loosely and variously defined, and in recent years modified and stretched.’ But the frequently unfocused fixation of family historians on household size and fertility to the detriment of emotional patterns...

...- ing and how these changes revealed changing social relations among households. In this way, re-walking the walking city through time, I hope to suggest, albeit schematically, how we can begin to grasp the relation of space to class. I In seventeenth...

..., was that marriage had given Julian access to crucial economic resources. Maria Josefa Gomez, his wife, had brought to their mar- riage ”twenty sheep, two adult cows, two bulls and a calf,” as well as other unnamed goods (probably household items and cloth- ing) listed in two documents that Vergara...

..., was that marriage had given Julian access to crucial economic resources. Maria Josefa Gomez, his wife, had brought to their mar- riage ”twenty sheep, two adult cows, two bulls and a calf,” as well as other unnamed goods (probably household items and cloth- ing) listed in two documents that Vergara...

... Spanish law recognize indigenous forms of kinship organization as a legitimate influence on the flow of property rights?39 What rights would women have over property and as au- thority figures in households, and how far could their autonomy ex tend?40 The social and demographic chaos...

... the appropriative inclinations of strangers. Situated within a domestic mode of production, where the redistribution of goods is largely structured within and around the household, such inland ex- change as takes place between early Greek communities frequently oc- curs in the form of a mutually...

... ground in her discussion of the economic status and behavior of free black women, she finds that “over half the free black households were headed by women,” and, that black women (like white propertied widows) seemed to bypass marriage -or at least formal marriage -whenever possible...

... the thirteenth and fourteenth through the fifteenth and then into the sixteenth century as their concerns shifted from the general “pollution” of prostitution, to the sight of it, and then the sound of it. Among Duke Cosimo I’s tools of governance was a tax census in 1561 – 62 that moved household...

... and labor, Christine Stansell’s book, City of Women, is the first study which analyzes the impact of this process on women. Stan- sell argues clearly and persuasively that the growing uncertainty of male employment eroded older patterns of male authority in the household, diminished family resources...

... and individual water rights. On the one hand, during the construc- tion process, and based on the amount of time, effort, and work invested, households gain the right to access the resource at the household level. In other words, those households that have actively taken part in the mingas, or collective...