...Ioannis Mantzikos In December 1992, the United Nations Security Council, acting under chapter 7 of its charter, authorized the use of all necessary means to secure the delivery of humanitarian aid to the people of Somalia. In the collapsing landscape of that country, however, the intervention...

...Ted Dagne In June 2006, the forces of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) took control of Somalia's capital, Mogadishu. During the six-month rule by the ICU, Mogadishu became relatively stable, but efforts to bring peace did not lead to a major breakthrough. On 28 December 2006, Ethiopian troops...

...: The Case of Somalia Theodros Dagne African countries overwhelmingly expressed their support for the U.S.-led efforts on the war against terrorism shortly after the 11 September attacks on New York and Washington, D.C...

...J. Ndumbe Anyu; Samuel Moki The authors contend that the pervasiveness of piracy on the African coasts is threatening global security. Within Somalia, it is causing a disruption of food supplies, fostering internal conflict, and increasing the prices of basic commodities. Globally...

... Clinton and Albright right? Is the United States government really any good at “helping people” in troubled places? America’s recent encounters with nation building suggest the contrary. Indeed, Washington said it would bring order to Somalia but left chaos...

... officials. By far the most affected country is Ethiopia, with an estimated 8 million people facing starvation. In Sudan, an estimated 1.7 million people are in need of emergency assistance, and mil- lions more in Somalia, Eritrea, Kenya, and Djibouti are also...

..., the Barbary corsairs. Although the essay focuses primarily on history, it also draws some conclusions about piracy and the international system today. The essay notes a prevailing assumption that contemporary piracy off Somalia and that perpetrated by the Barbary pirates is similar, but it further notes...

... volunteers were accepted in the western Darfur counter- insurgency in 1991, Khartoum, actually, switched from supporting the EJM and expelled its leaders from the Sudanese capital.9 Meanwhile, both govern- ments were offered as mediators in the chaotic post – Siad Barre Somalia, and there was also...

... traffic, on the implementation of the arms embargo on Somalia, and on the security of the ships of the World Food Programme (WFP) providing humanitarian relief to the Somali popu- lation.15 A few months later, on 15 September 2008, the council decided to establish the EU Naval Coordination Cell (EU...

... of organizations like al Shabaab in Somalia, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), and al Qaeda in the Maghreb (AQIM) dramatize the terror organiza- tion’s diversity. One way to envision the terror organization’s complexity is to construct a typology of groups that differ in terms of al Qaeda direction...

... in Somalia and the Maghreb were focused on attacking regional governments and presented little danger to the United States. The president, however, acknowledged that al Qaeda in the Arabian Pen- insula (AQAP) continued to target the US homeland, which necessitated vigilance in conducting...

... the bag in two losing wars of occupation included in a counterproductive general “war on terror.” In both Afghanistan and Iraq, de facto US occupations are fueling Islamist fervor and spiking terrorist attacks and suicide bombings worldwide. In Somalia, the Islamist threat was minimal until...

... of the Somalia debacle. Donald M. Payne, Democrat from New Jersey, is a senior member of the House International Relations Committee. Ted Dagne is an expert on African affairs at the Congressional Research Service. Payne and Dagne: Rwanda: Seven Years after the Genocide 39...

..., Angola, Liberia, Rwanda, and Somalia. In most of these instances, Cohen argues, U.S. government agencies worked together constructively and used Washington’s high-pro- file engagement in conflict resolution to good effect. Cohen asserts that Cold War prior- ities...

... resolution and, to a lesser extent, democratization in seven African case studies: Ethiopia, Sudan, Mozambique, Angola, Liberia, Rwanda, and Somalia. In most of these instances, Cohen argues, U.S. government agencies worked together constructively and used Washington’s...

..., Angola, Liberia, Rwanda, and Somalia. In most of these instances, Cohen argues, U.S. government agencies worked together constructively and used Washington’s high-pro- file engagement in conflict resolution to good effect. Cohen asserts that Cold War prior- ities...

... Council responded to urgent calls from the Horn of Africa and endorsed yet another peacekeeping mission of eight thousand troops for war-torn Somalia. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations manages global deployments of more than ninety thousand personnel at a cost of $5 billion per annum...

... between the two hampered operations in Afghanistan and Somalia.1 In September 2011, Panagiotis Beglitis, the Greek defense minister, said Athens would soon cut its troop commitments. At an informal meeting of EU defense ministers he said, “Greece will significantly reduce its participation...

... as intractable. At one time, both Afghanistan and Somalia did grab the world’s attention. For good or ill, the superpowers were involved. But long after the proxy battles ended, the conflicts sputtered on. Leadership has changed faces, ideologies...

... the intelligence community advised that it would be preferable and cheaper to contain rather than attack Iraq and warned that it was more likely for WMD to end up in the hands of ter- rorists if the Baghdad regime was cornered or demolished. These warnings were ignored. Apparently the lessons of Somalia...