...Robert Olson Robert Olson is professor of Middle East politics at the University of Kentucky. Copyright 2008 by Mediterranean Affairs, Inc. 2008 Turkey’s Relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council from 2003 to 2007: New Paradigms? Robert Olson...

...J. E. Peterson There have been three economic transformations of the Arab Gulf. Yet the obstacles today remain eerily similar to those of forty years ago. Oil reserves are finite and nonoil resources in the gulf states—minerals, arable land, skilled population, and even capital for some countries...

... of International Studies, Hanover College, Hanover, Ind. European Colonialism and Territorial Disputes in Africa: The Gulf of Guinea and the Indian Ocean Mi Yung Yoon Most interstate conflicts in Africa have been territorial disputes, where a terri- tory or a part...

...Nuri Yeşilyurt The essay analyzes relations between Turkey and the Gulf Cooperation Council since the early 2000s in order to determine whether it is possible to acknowledge the emergence of a Sunni bloc against the so-called Shiite Crescent in the Middle East. It argues that although positive...

..., and cultural ties, especially with Turkey, Israel, and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf region. Through its modern history, Albania has been a good example of a politically and economically weak state exercising a fairly consistent asymmetric foreign policy based on the support of great powers...

... with nontraditional security provides a solid foundation, as proved by antipiracy efforts in the Gulf of Aden. This paves the way for nontraditional security cooperation in the Mediterranean region, for instance in the field of noncombatant evacuation. Yet a crucial precondition is that the EU behaves more coherently...

..., a group determined to expand its influence and control beyond Mogadishu. Meanwhile, Somali pirates have intensified their attacks in the Gulf of Aden, carrying out attacks on more than ninety commercial ships and successfully hijacking more than thirty-five ships in 2008. The pirates have earned more than...

... autocracies and dictatorships across the Arab world, reaching to the Arab and Persian Gulfs. The awakening has been enervated by violent responses from more cohesive and profound dictatorships in Syria and Libya, but the “leaderless” model of the awakening can quickly bring together disparate groups working...

.... Pranger Iraq, by any static or dynamic measure a medium power, has sought hege- monic status in the Persian Gulf and Arabian Peninsula, where the twenti- eth century’s greatest powers have repeatedly asserted their superior claims to hegemony: most notably the United States, Russia (before...

... the euphoria stemming from the sweeping victory in the Gulf War of 1991 that was the first attempt to put forward a new strategic concept. After the realities of the Balkans and Somalia set in, the tone became somewhat more sober, but subsequent notions driving U.S...

..., and the proceeds are used to support the leaders’ high life- style and add to their array of sophisticated weapons. They are heavily armed and ruthless. Piracy in Somalia and the Gulf of Aden Although piracy around the world fell from 452 incidents in 2003 to 282 in 2007...

..., and the lower Persian Gulf capitals now react to the war? What actions will they and can they take to adapt themselves to its aftermath? We should not regard the neighborhood as a passive bystander of an American war with Iraq. Many of the neighbors are efficient international actors, capable of effective...

... reserves are being discovered regularly. The Chad-Cameroon oil pipeline project and the early phase of exploration centered on the Atlantic coast in the Gulf of Guinea demonstrate the potential for Africa becoming one of the major oil suppliers to the West within a decade. These developments...

.... The membership of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the regional orga- nization of the kingdoms bordering on the Persian Gulf, matches the group of six dynastic monarchies as well. The analysis proceeds in two main parts. The first briefly describes the unrest in the region’s monarchies...

... power programs. The list includes Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Morocco, Tuni- sia, and the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. It is not clear how many of these proposals will come to fruition. What...

... was the absence of the major US allied power in the region, Saudi Arabia. With its military and economic power, Saudi Arabia holds tremendous sway over its lesser partners in the Gulf Cooper- ation Council, from which the ICI partners were drawn. Without the most influential state in the Persian Gulf...

.... Although the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Arab League are important forums for discus- sions of security-related matters and security-related diplomacy, they can- 2. Michael N. Barnett, “Regional Security after the Gulf War,” Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 4 (1996–97): 597–619. 3. Ian O...

... between Washington and Persian Gulf Arab states in the past several decades have cemented the The authors would like to thank their colleagues at the Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies (NESA) for their stimulating discussions over the years, which provide the background...

... side of the Persian Gulf and the dynasty of the shah of Iran on the north. Our appreciation of the importance of the first of these relationships was reflected in President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s making the effort to ren- dezvous with King Ibn Saud on 14 February 1945. Roosevelt was on his way home...

... that the United States will come to a country’s defense if it is attacked and threat- ened with extinction — with twenty other nations, including Israel, Egypt, Jordan, the Persian Gulf kingdoms, and Taiwan. The High Cost of US Interventionism and Empire Liberals have been rightly troubled...