Abstract

There is a story that the Jain saint Bhadrabāhu predicted a famine which would last for twelve years and, as a result of this famine, he led twelve thousand Jains in search of better lands. King Candragupta Maurya is said to have accompanied them and lived for twelve years after the death of the saint in Mysore; then, according to the legend, he starved himself to death. In commenting on this Jain story, Vincent Smith says, “… after much consideration I am disposed to accept the main facts as affirmed by tradition. It being certain that Candragupta was quite young and inexperienced when he ascended the throne in or about 322 B.C., he must have been under fifty when his reign terminated twenty-four years later … the twelve years' famine is not incredible. In short, the Jain tradition holds the field, and no alternative exists.”

Notes

1

Smith V. A. ,
The Oxford History of India
, 3rd Edition (
Oxford
,
1958
), p.
99
.
The Encyclopedia of World History
, ed. Langer Wm. L. (Revised 3rd Edition,
Boston
,
1952
), p.
42
, also gives credence to this tale and treats the twelve-year famine as a historical reality in citing the chronology of ancient India.

2

Mbh. Adi P.
63
.
26
,
95
.
26
(Critical Ed.) References are to P. C. Roy's edition of the Mahābhārata unless otherwise indicated.

3

Bhargava P. L. ,
India in the Vedic Age
(
Lucknow
,
1956
), p.
67
.

4

Mahāvaṃsa, XXXIII.
103
, XXIV.
73
, XXIV.
68
, XXV.
75
.

5

Law N. N. ,
Aspects of Ancient Indian Polity
(
Oxford
,
1921
), pp.
64
65
.

6

This story is repeated with some variations in other sources. Cf. Mbh. (Crit.)

Adi P.
89
,
52
53
;
Udyoga P.
147
,
155
ff.
,
Matsya Pttrāṇa
50
,
38
46
;
Vāya Parāṇa
99
,
234
240
;
Bṛhad-devatā VII,
153
157
; VIII, 1–7;
Viṣṇu Parāṇa XX,
457
ff
; Nirukta II, io. For a discussion of the political implications of this legend, cf.
Spellman J. W. , “The Legend of Devāpi,” JRAS (
10
,
1959
)
7
Nirukta II.
10
.

8

Brhad-devatā VIII.
5
.

9

Mbh. Adi P.
175
.
6615
6630
.

10

Idem. Pargiter remarks: “The Vasiṣṭha Devarāj or Bhūtakṛt mentioned in those two verses can only be this Vasiṣṭha who governed the kingdom of Ayodhyā in the twelve years' drought during Satyavrata's exile. This identification is corroborated by the remarkably simple and appropriate explanation it offers.”

Pargiter F. E. , “Viśvāmitra, Vasiṣṭha, Hariścandra and Sunaḥśepa” JRAS, (
01
1917
), p.
39
.

11

Mbh. Sānti P.
139
.
13
17
ff. (Crit.).

12

Idem.

13

Mbh. Vana P.
187
.

14

There appears to be a relationship between the symbolic significance of the number twelve in ancient India and the number forty in Biblical literature. In Genesis VI–VIII, the Lord repents of having created the world because of the wickedness of men. He resolves to destroy all except the family of Noah (who was righteous) and one of both sexes of all living things. (The latter appears to be an afterthought, cf. Gen. VI. 7). The destruction takes the form of a flood which lasts for forty days and nights (Gen. VII. 12). When we consider such events as Israel walking forty years in the wilderness (Josh. V. 5), Moses wandering in the wilderness for forty years (Acts VII. 36), the people bearing their iniquities for forty years (Num. XIV. 34), the wicked shall be beaten with forty stripes (Deut. XXV. 3), and the current season of forty days for Lent (with its scriptural basis in the New Testament), the relationship of the number forty to penance or expiation of guilt is suggested. A present-day English tradition connects rain with forty by suggesting that if it rains on St. Swithin's day, it will rain for forty days thereafter.

15

Agni Parāṇa, Vol.
I
(Dutt's trans.) V. pp.
27
28
.

16

Idem.

17

Mbh. Vana P.
110
.
343
.

18

It is undoubtedly a mistake in the transliteration which confuses Romapāda and Lomapāda as the name of the king of Aṅga. The reference is clearly to the same person in both cases.

19

Idem.

20

Mbh. Śalya P.
48
.
33
.

21

Ibid., 34–42.

22

Mbh. Śalya P.
51
.
22
.

23

Mbh. Vana P. 126, pp.
382
385
. By obtaining austerities through virtuous conduct and rule, a king could become the equal of a god.

24

McCrindle J. W. ,
Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian
(
London
,
1877
), p.
32
. Frags, of Indika of Megasthenes, Frag. I. 36.

25

Mbh. Udyoga P. 9. pp.
25
26
.

26

Mbh. Sabha P.
33
.
95
. Cf. 5. 66–67.

27

Maṇicora Jātaka, No. 194. 124. Cf. Kurudhamma Jātaka No. 276.

28

Aṅguttara Nikāya II.
74
, IV. VII, 70. Cf. G. U. Pope trans., The
Kural Bk. II. LVI, p.
79
, “Where king from right deflecting, makes unrighteous gain, the seasons change, the clouds pour down no rain.”

29

Other Buddhist texts make this same point which we need not labor here. Cf. The

Mahāvaṃsa XXVI.
77
and
27
34
.

30

There is a recognition of a relationship between rain and righteousness in the Biblical thought, “the rain falleth upon the just and the unjust alike” (Matt. V. 45) although this would not be acceptable by Indian standards of dharma.

31

Ś. B. XI.
1
.
6
.
24
.

32

This is the view expressed by several texts,

Cf. Mbh. Śānti P.
15
.
30
,
67
.
16
;
Matsya Parāṇa
225
.
9
.

33

A king who is not righteous obviously cannot preserve dharma, and some texts suggest that such a king is no king at all and deserves to be slain by his subjects (cf.

Mbh. Śānti P.
93
.
9
10
). In diese formulae, by “king” we mean, of course, a righteous king.

34

Ś. B. IX. 3. 3. 10–11.

35

Ś. B. V. 3. 4. 5, V. 4. 9, V. 3. 4. 11, V. 3. 4. 14, V. 3. 4. 21.

36

We should note that the texts do not suggest that the king draws his authority exclusively from water. Different hymns or verses suggest other forces as well.

37

Mbh. Śalya P.
47
. 5–10. The Agni Parāṇa suggests that the sovereignty of water was conferred upon Varuna by Lord Hari. (
Agni Parāṇa I. XIX.
21
).

38

A. V. IV.
16
.
2
.

39

A. V. IV.
16
.
3
.

40

For further discussions of the attributes of Varuṇa, cf.

Keith A. B. ,
Religion and Philosophy of the Vedas and Upaniṣads
, Harvard Oriental Series, Vol.
31
(
1925
), pp.
96
ff.

41

Ibid. p. 97. For an indication of the punishing aspect of Varuṇa, cf. A. L. Basham's translation of R. V. VII. 89 in

The Wonder that Was India (London,
1954
), pp.
237
238
.

42

R. V. IV.
42
.

43

Aitareya Brāhmaṇo VI.
17
, VIII. 13.

44

R. V. I.
24
.
10
.

45

R. V. I.
25
.
10
.

48

S. B. V.
4
.
4
.
5
.

47

Manu VIII.
172
.

48

Arthaśāstra IV. XIII.
272
273
. Yājñanalkya gives basically the same ruling in II. 307: Cf. I. 24.

49

It is of no consequence that the violation of dharma, in some cases, was originally perpetrated by a subject of the king rather than by the king personally. The theorists would hold that all acts of adharma, committed by no matter whom, were caused by improper rule of the king and that he was therefore personally responsible.

50

Taittirīya Saṁhitā II.
5
.
1
.
2
; V. 3. 1–2; Ś. B. XIII. 3. 1. 1.

51

Agni Parāṇa II, CLXIX.
1
4
.

52

The most detailed study of sin and penance has been done by P. V. Kane in his

History of Dharmaśāstra Vol.
IV
(Poona,
1953
)
. I am much indebted to his exhaustive research which shows, in this case, that twelve is not exclusive in relation to dharma but that it certainly cannot be ignored.

53

Kane P. V. , History of Dharmaśāstra, IV,
93
.

54

Ibid., p. 91.

55

Mbh. Śānti P.
36
.
27
.

56

Kane , op. cit. H.O.D. IV.
88
.

57

Hopkins E. W. , “
Social and Military Position of the Ruling Caste in Ancient India
,” XVIII
JAOS
XIII
(
1888
),
171
.

58

Agni Purāṇa I. CLVIII.

59

Ibid. I. CLVI. 13–14.

60

Mbh. Śānti P.
146
.
28
.

61

Kane P. V. 's History of Dharmaśāstra
, Vol. IV deals largely with sin, penance, and purification.

62

Mbh. Anuśāsana P.
142
. There are a number of sections in this Parvan which mention the number twelve in connection with receiving merit or accumulating tapas. Cf. Sections 25–146 passim.

63

Mbh. Vana P.
134
.

64

Agni Parāṇa I. LIX.
38
48
.

65

Ibid. II. CCI. 9–I2.

66

Viṣṇupurāṇa quoted by

Kane P. V. , History of Dharmaśāstra, IV,
51
.

67

Gonda J. , “
Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point of View
,”
Numen
,
III
(
1956
),
128
.

68

I am indebted to Rhoads Murphey and Carl Allendoerfer of the University of Washington for calling these points to my attention.

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