Search Results for ashkenazi

...Smadar Lavie This paper analyzes the failure of Israel’s Ashkenazi (Jewish, of European, Yiddish-speaking origin) feminist peace movement to work within the context of Middle East demographics, cultures, and histories and, alternately, the inabilities of the Mizrahi (Oriental) feminist movement...

... nation. This project simultaneously empowers women and enables state violence against Palestinians on Haram ash-Sharif. Scholarship that has examined Israel’s messianic right-wing women’s activism has overlooked their Ashkenazi whiteness and their middle-class privileged status in Israel. The race-class...

.... Following the protest and its many actors, Lavie, as a Mizrahi feminist activist, a scholar, and a welfare-dependent single mother herself, uses the protest as a case study through which matters of poverty and ruthless neoliberal economy, Israeli intra-Jewish racism, Jewish Ashkenazi domination, nationalism...

... to be complex and ramifi ed. Gender relations, as we saw, constitute a good example, albeit not exclu- sively. For example, men in general will subject Mizrahi and Ashkenazi women to mechanisms of suppression and exclusion, while Ashkenazi men and women will subject Mizrahi men and women...

.... These stakes are the cultivation of racial divides and animus. Baldwin’s remarks are evocative of, as Ella Shohat, Orit Bashkin, Bryan Roby, and Aziza Khazzoom have shown, the reality that, in immigrating to Israel, Mizrahi Jews came to live in a state founded primarily by Ashkenazi Zionists who were...

... of the historic break of Mizrahi feminists from the Women’s Movement in Israel, which she contested for promoting a singular feminism based on Ashkenazi experience (chaps. 3 and 4). Drawing on multicultural feminist approaches, Shohat worked to “contextualize Mizrahi feminism within racial and national Third...

... Rabbi, Ovadia Yosef, and the influential Ashkenazi Rabbi Shakh. In its 1984 national election campaign, Shas’s mobilization efforts fo- cused on Haredi Mizrahi Jews who were discriminated against in ultra-Orthodox Ashkenazi educational, religious, and political in- stitutions (Tessler 2003, 77 – 8...

... employment as such, since it has promoted the originally Ashkenazi ultra-Orthodox custom of having women work while men study. Nor does it necessarily oppose the women’s education that the AIU so strongly promoted—which has continued to progress among Moroccan Jewish women (Mizrachi 2013 , 67–80)—since...

... on the Beaufort in the Lebanon war” (Lurie 1992 , 7). Inspired by Harnik, other soldiers’ mothers—mostly middle-class Ashkenazi women—began to reject their allotted role in the gendered national order and to participate in various domains of public discourse on military policy. The most acclaimed...

... forward a particular image of the country, which reinforces and silences inequalities, brushing away racial, religious, and class conflicts, making the others of the European Zionist face disappear entirely.15 Tellingly, most—although not all—of the Israelis in the love posters are of Ashkenazi...

... argument. This body finds fullness and capacitation in relation to the debility of the degenerated Eastern, “Oriental” Jew and, more so, in relation to the Palestinian body where the Israeli White Ashkenazi Jew must be sexually and juridically segregated from the abject Palestinian body (115). In contrast...

... and antioccupation initiatives and collaboration. It lays out the nuanced texture of Israeli feminist peace activism, describing the internal criticisms raised by Mizrahi and Palestinian-Israelis against the Ashkenazi elitism in the women’s peace movement, and the transformations in this movement since the 1990s...

..., as an Ashkenazi Jew, she is white or a person of color (Heckle 2017 ). In my Jordanian sociopolitical and cultural landscape, Gadot was widely seen as first and foremost an Israeli soldier and citizen who had served during the 2006 Israeli invasion of Lebanon and had used social media to express her support...

... that retraditionalization among women classified as Western tends to be unconscious and unmarked, while that among women classified as Eastern tends to be conscious and marked. If so, it is likely that Israelis overestimate Mizrahi/Ashkenazi and Palestinian/Jewish differences in the promotion of potentially restrictive...

... bring status and educational differences to the foreground. I am a middle-class Jewish Ashkenazi Israeli woman researcher. I live with a partner and am a mother. Thus I am a privileged woman in Israeli society. Interviewing Palestinian women who are subordinated in Israel further complicates discussion...

... opportunities for Arab and Miz- rahi (Oriental) Jewish women, since the service sector employed mainly the Ashkenazi (Jewish, of European, Yiddish-speaking origin) women (Bernstein 1986, 403). The 1970s also witnessed an increased number of Arab graduates, including women, from Israeli universities...

... University was, among other things, a class and ethnic project. It became a powerful actor in shaping the Israeli middle class, which was Jewish, urban, Ashkenazi (i.e., of European descent), and mostly born in Palestine. Its graduates became high officials and bureaucrats of the new state institutions...

... the sovereign state of Israel. Lastly, the republican discourse is used to legitimize different positions occupied by the major Jewish groups, Ashkenazi and Mizrahi, men and women, with the innermost group enjoying not only liberal and ethno-nationalist rights, but also the privileges of republican citi...