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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2010) 90 (4): 661–695.
Published: 01 November 2010
... 1958 and 1968, even as AD and COPEI traded the presidency, the two parties combined never received more than 29 percent of the vote in the 23 de Enero. Instead residents had backed a far-ranging spectrum of third-party candidates. In 1958 they voted overwhelmingly for Wolfgang Larrazábal, the young...
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View articletitled, “A Weapon as Powerful as the <span class="search-highlight">Vote</span>”: Urban Protest and Electoral Politics in Venezuela, 1978–1983
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for article titled, “A Weapon as Powerful as the <span class="search-highlight">Vote</span>”: Urban Protest and Electoral Politics in Venezuela, 1978–1983
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in Urban Pioneers: The Role of Women in the Local Government of Santiago, Chile, 1935–1946
> Hispanic American Historical Review
Published: 01 November 2004
Figure 3 Aquirre Cerde and the Radical Party decapitated (and perhaps even emasculated) by the feminine vote.
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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2008) 88 (3): 393–426.
Published: 01 August 2008
...Francie R. Chassen-López Abstract Despite the fact that women were barred from voting and holding public office, by 1895 Juana Catarina Romero (1837–1915) had emerged as the major textile importer, sugar refiner, and “modernizing” political boss ( cacica ) of the city of Tehuantepec in southern...
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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2009) 89 (2): 285–321.
Published: 01 May 2009
... by means of a new set of electoral rules. The incomplete vote, the cornerstone of the new electoral rules, was a strategic concession by the Conservative government to the Liberal opposition. In exchange for permanent representation in the legislatures, Liberals abandoned military insurrection...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2017) 97 (2): 223–258.
Published: 01 May 2017
... imposed on women a duty to defend country, race, and gender—increasingly in the public sphere—the lack of suffrage constrained women's political participation. At least two Sonoran women, María de Jesús Váldez and Emélida Carrillo, imagined the vote for women, a vision in which women's suffrage depended...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1973) 53 (1): 1–26.
Published: 01 February 1973
... in Cosío Villegas, Constitución , p. 79. The difficulty with using his list in a factor analysis is that with the exception of Marcelino Castaneda, the men listed as moderates had fewer than 50 votes. 20 For a discussion of the unanimous and near-unanimous votes, see Bulnes, Juárez , pp. 182-85...
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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1971) 51 (2): 237–249.
Published: 01 May 1971
..., not only was the suffrage limited by social-economic qualifications but elections were indirect, and only electoral vote totals are readily available. Totals for “popular” voting, by the legal electorate, could probably be obtained in many cases from local archives, but the number of individuals qualified...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1978) 58 (4): 595–624.
Published: 01 November 1978
... difficult. The categories employed and the completeness of coverage vary greatly from one census to another. Moreover, most census material describes general characteristics of voting districts, but not necessarily of the voters themselves. In 1955, sociologist Gino Germani called attention...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1972) 52 (1): 55–73.
Published: 01 February 1972
... providing some notion about the relative impact or political “weight” of the different variables. (For a more detailed version of these equations see Appendix 3 .) Table 3 Regression Equations for Peronist Vote 1. Big Cities PERON = 84.38 + .56 IND WORKERS ( + 48.17...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2004) 84 (4): 661–699.
Published: 01 November 2004
...Figure 3 Aquirre Cerde and the Radical Party decapitated (and perhaps even emasculated) by the feminine vote. ...
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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1973) 53 (2): 260–284.
Published: 01 May 1973
... into Argentina. Alvear’s policy on scrap, dating from 1924, led to the export of 210,000 tons by the end of his term in 1928 and severely impeded growth of the Argentine metal industry. 62 Table IV Analysis of Chamber of Deputies Votes to Override Senate Tariff Bills (and thus Reduce Tariffs), 1923...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1992) 72 (2): 211–238.
Published: 01 May 1992
... the march toward socialism had begun. The transition to socialism was a precondition for “real” democracy, but only in a “real” democracy would workers be enlightened or “conscious” enough to vote for Socialists. How could Socialists pursue a parliamentary road to socialism if the end result...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1973) 53 (4): 600–618.
Published: 01 November 1973
... who were convinced that Arce had committed the unpardonable crime of betraying the Liberal party. 3 These writers believed that when the presidential election was thrown into the Congress in 1825, Arce secured the votes of Guatemalan Conservatives by agreeing to let them decide the outcome...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1984) 64 (4): 707–735.
Published: 01 November 1984
... of a caudillo’s usefulness was his ability to produce votes on election day. To achieve the desired results, rural caudillos worked with as much dedication and energy as urban bosses. Normally, they knew their districts well and campaigned in them continuously. In the countryside this often meant long and tiring...
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Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2002) 82 (4): 828–830.
Published: 01 November 2002
..., as well as a first introduction to two key pieces of the culture of mobilization in Buenos Aires: associations (mutual aids, by trade, and by nationality); and the press. Part 2 is devoted to elections. The analysis takes off from a point that is common knowledge: few people voted even though at the time...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1981) 61 (4): 651–674.
Published: 01 November 1981
... both the right to vote on capitular business and other perquisites. 21 The secretary did not inscribe them on the official attendance register or mention them in the listing of members that preceded official resolutions. The chapter even resolved to pay the substitutes only a base salary so...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (2006) 86 (2): 394–395.
Published: 01 May 2006
... that participated in the value system shared by the Europeanized elites. Initially, liberals thought that assimilation could occur through political participation, and so legislation toward voting and citizenship was close to universal male suffrage. The author shows that the Cádiz constitution of 1812...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1987) 67 (3): 555–556.
Published: 01 August 1987
... the vote, a precocious move that at first glance seems to put this progressive republic in the same political category as the United States, France, and Switzerland; but despite the fact that the number of qualified voters doubled as a result of the law and tripled shortly thereafter, only some 4 percent...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1994) 74 (3): 526–527.
Published: 01 August 1994
... that, according to post-election surveys, only 43.9 percent of the workers and employees voted the FSLN ticket. In the lead chapter Paul Oquist, who oversaw much of the Sandinistas’ pre-election polling, finds that the most important factors in the FSLN defeat were the U.S. aggression, the new international...
Journal Article
Hispanic American Historical Review (1988) 68 (1): 1–43.
Published: 01 February 1988
... by a mass of new working-class voters. From 6,000 voters in 1936, electoral participation in ABC jumped fivefold to 28,000 in December 1945. Not surprisingly, the conservative parties did poorly in ABC, garnering less than one-third of the total vote. The 1945 election results in every major urban...
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