... government, but that is a meaningless assertion given her failure to show that these people acted as agents of the party. It is also true that the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) opposition to Batista immediately after the 1952 coup was somewhat ambiguous, but that ambiguity disappeared a few months...

... the 1950s was more than friendly toward the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP), as the Cuban Communist Party was then known, and vice versa. Accordingly, the communists supported Castro’s struggle against Batista, that is, when they understood what he was up to, which they sometimes failed to do. However...

...); the activities of the Brazilian Socialist Party; and the intense disputes among the Social Progressive Party (PSP), the Brazilian Labor Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro or PTB), the Social Democratic Party, and the National Democratic Union (UDN), not to mention smaller parties, reconfigured the political...

... their organization. In the polarized climate of the Cold War, many nationalist movements against US-backed tyrants had to contend with such allegations, but there was a domestic logic for anti-Communist sentiment as well. Most notably, the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP, the island's historic Communist Party) had...

... the academic studies of the 1960s and reprising data from the published sources on which they were based. All this effort is hardly necessary to dispose of the hoary theory that agents of the Soviet Union and the Cuban PSP (communist party) controlled the revolutionary movement before the 1959 overthrow...

... party (PSP). Although primarily a regional figure, Adhemar’s subsequent presidential candidacies received significant national support (26 percent in 1955 and 19 percent in 1960), and his PSP was Brazil’s fourth largest party by the early 1960s. Yet a generic and timeless vision has continued...

... was hostile to the pro-Moscow People’s Socialist Party (PSP) and excluded it from participation” (p. 93); actually, PSP militants were found in many rebel units, and were especially prominent in Camilo Cienfuegos’ column. Professor Ramm misses another important point in supposing that, in Bolivia, “Guevara...

... of the PSP were active at the cadre level or already rising in the party hierarchy by the early 1930s. The roles of such figures as Blas Roca, Carlos Rafael Rodríguez, Aníbal Escalante, and the shadowy Fabio Grobart can be traced through the course of events (although the lack of an index reduces the work’s...

... that a revolution needed an ideology. “Under the impact of the revolutionary process this ideology finally took a Marxist shape,” Suárez concludes (p. 39). Suárez shows with extensive documentation that the old established Cuban Communist Party (which after 1944 took the name Partido Socialista Popular, PSP...

... War patterns (of seeking “Reds under the bed”), is the strategy of the pre-1959 communist Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) to infiltrate the revolution, usually in alliance with Castro. While the PSP's uneven and contested involvement in 1959–61 has long been studied, Guerra's picture of a steady...

... of four autobiographies: Benedí, seventy years of age, a hanger-on in the old Communist Party (PSP), part-time santero , and, at the time of the interview, a CDR block organizer; Alfredo Barrera Lordi, thirtyseven, on the fringes of the revolutionary struggles of the 1950s, black marketeer, critical...

... on the independent media, and the Cuban Communist Party (then known as the Partido Socialista Popular, or PSP) continued to enjoy exclusive rights to organize, despite the fact that all other parties were banned. Importantly, public complicity with the erosion of opportunities for self-expression, protest...

... addresses U.S.-Cuban relations). The critical progressives (as Lunes advocates were known) found themselves at a disadvantage relative to well-practiced Communist cadres in the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) who knew how to seize their opportunities during the immediate post-revolutionary phase...

... of the revolutionary coalition and the latter associated with officials hailing from Cuba's historic, pro–Soviet Union communist party before 1959, the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP). For one thing, the meaning of such labels has proven fickle. What seemed “practical” in terms of economic management in the 1970s...

... . Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Press , 1973 . Guillén Nicolás . “ El problema del negro y la unidad nacional .” In Los socialistas y la realidad cubana: Informes, resoluciones y discursos: II Asamblea Nacional del Partido Socialista Popular , 43 – 50 . Havana : Ediciones del PSP , 1944...

... Sampaio, Adhemar de Barros e o PSP (São Paulo: Global, 1982). 53 Colistete, Labour Relations , chap. 2; Rodrigues, Sindicato e desenvolvimento no Brasil , 163 – 64; Notícias de Hoje , 2 Sept. 1954, p. 2. 54 Alexander, History of Organized Labor in Brazil , 98, 112. 55 Ibid., 98...

... of the 1945-1964 period would be complete without reference to “populism.” Adhemar de Barros, governor of São Paulo and the leader of a personalistic party (PSP), which made him a power on the national scene, has often been seen as an archetypical “populist” leader and obviously deserves further study. 67...