Historians have studied the formation and dynamics of the internal market in Latin America, and particularly in the Andes, although mostly for colonial times.1 In the case of nineteenth-century Peru, the study of the routes and roads that linked the internal market has just begun.2 In the nine-teenth century, before the arrival of the railroad, most overland trade in Peru utilized an extensive muleteer system. Tracing this market and transport system offers a way to explore the role of merchants, muleteers, and traders, as well as the trading connections and circuits, that gave the domestic market its form and coherence.
The system of transport and markets was intimately linked with one of the central export sectors of nineteenth-century Peru: mining. Andean mining had been an extremely important economic activity since pre-Columbian times, and during the colonial era it developed strong links with the world market.3 Recent studies have emphasized the powerful connections of mining with domestic markets, the role that silver merchants and other entrepreneurs played in controlling the mining trade, and the role of Indian labor in the Andean mining system.4 Those works mostly have focused on Potosí during the colonial era. This essay, by contrast, will deal with the mining center of Cerro de Pasco and its regional market during the national period, the area that was called Lower Peru during colonial times.
Specifically, this study will focus on the internal face of an essential export sector: silver. The study of export economies in nineteenth-century Latin America has concentrated mostly on their external dimensions, particularly their links with external markets; the trading companies— national or foreign—involved in them; and the urban elites related to them. But to ship commodities to external markets, these goods first had to be brought to port, to the cities that were the nexis of the export business. What were the networks that brought export commodities to the ports and trading cities? What were the conditions under which internal trade was conducted? What was the impact of these internal transportation and trading networks on the evolution of the domestic economy and social structure?
This essay will address these questions with specific reference to the Cerro de Pasco region and to the trade and transport routes of silver in the nineteenth century, principally between 1820 and 1860. At the beginning of the century, seven official smelting houses were transforming raw silver metal (plata piña) into silver bars. They were located in Pasco, Lima, Puno, Trujillo, Arequipa, Ayacucho, and Tacna.5 The largest was Cerro de Pasco, producing on average 233,672 marcs of silver bars per year between 1820 and 1860, with an approximate value of 1,986,212 pesos per year. This was 59.6 percent of the national mining production.6 At the national level, silver mining produced on average 391,965 marcs per year, or 3,331,692.5 pesos.7
This estimate of the value of silver production is based on the highest price for which the Lima Mint bought silver bars, although local prices of silver metal were lower and international prices higher. While the Lima Mint during those years paid a highest price of 8.5 pesos per marc, or 8 pesos 4 reales, in the London market silver was purchased at between 9.8 and 10 pesos per marc, or 59 to 62 pennies per ounce.8 On the local side, for example in Hualgayoc, a mining center in Peru’s northern sierras, silver was bought at 6 pesos 2 reales per marc in 1827,9 These different price levels reflect different market logics. One is that of the local mining center, isolated in the Andean sierra; another one that of Cerro de Pasco, the largest and richest mining center in nineteenth-century Peru; and these communities certainly differ from Lima, the capital and the most important commercial center of the country, as well as from London, Paris, Hamburg, or later, New York, the international centers of the world silver trade. Thus the market orientation of mining is especially evident if mining means silver or gold production, since gold and silver are and historically were commodities important to the area.10
The common idea that Peruvian silver mining experienced a decline in the nineteenth century is misleading. Silver mining recovered its colonial dimensions very quickly after the devastation of the wars of independence, and even experienced a boom in the 1840s; production reached 514,588 marcs with a value of 4,373,998 pesos in 1842. This period of economic recovery, and even growth, stretched from the end of the independence wars to 1850—that is, the first half of the century—and was greatest in Cerro de Pasco, where production during the 1840s boom period rose well above the colonial level.11 After the 1850s mining declined until the 1890s, except for a short period of growth in the 1870s.
Mining, then, and especially silver mining, was the most important commercial activity in Peru before the guano age, which started only in 1847 when guano first became Peru’s largest export commodity.12 And even during the guano boom, silver mining was the activity that developed the largest commercial network in the internal, inland economy. The impact of mining on the internal economy lasted longer during the nineteenth century and was less subject to booms and busts. Thus, while the guano trade lasted from 1841 to 1878 and generated some 700 million soles, silver production continued throughout the century and generated some 384 million soles, more than half as much as the guano revenues.13 While guano generated more revenues, silver was a steadier export commodity.
Studies of the domestic impact of the guano trade have evaluated its contribution to national economic development. Jonathan Levin sustains the enclave thesis: that this export sector existed almost independently of the domestic economy, providing no development stimulus. The economist Shane Hunt argues that the return value of guano exports was high; furthermore, domestic demand expanded during the guano boom because of the growth of government revenues and expenditures and the earnings of a domestic business sector. Nevertheless, the inelasticity of domestic production did not permit a larger response to these stimuli.14
Hunt himself recognizes that the guano export economy generated no domestic transportation system and, indeed, almost no production costs.15 The opposite was true of the Andean mining economy: it generated a complex transportation system (although one that evolved out of the traditional sistema de arriería, or muleteering) and in general involved relatively high production costs. What’s more, guano collection was an offshore or coastal activity. Silver mining was focused mostly in the Andean highlands. For silver to reach the ports, an internal system of trading and transportation was needed. These geographic factors therefore fostered the development of a much larger internal market than did the guano trade. One hypothesis flowing from this comparison, then, is that the influence of silver production on national development was greater than that of guano, which retained its almost exclusively external market orientation. It is left to future studies to follow up on this hypothesis.
The internal market that silver mining encouraged was based on a muleteering trade that connected Cerro de Pasco and various mining centers with other productive zones—river basins, valleys of the sierra, the coast, and the Peruvian ceja de selva (the semitropical eastern slopes of the Andes). Silver was traded in the form of raw metal or, in lesser amounts, coins, which were exchanged for other goods such as domestic liquor (extracted from grapes or, later, sugarcane), cereals (fundamentally wheat), mercury, mining inputs, and textiles.16 The importance of these internal trade networks and transportation systems in the making of an internal market in pre-railroad Peru can be demonstrated by focusing first on the control that merchants wielded over mining production.17 Second, the routes and roads that formed the infrastructure had a distinctive role. Accounts from contemporary travelers portray in detail the characteristics of these routes, which linked Cerro de Pasco with surrounding areas. Instead of relying on general macroeconomic data, as the works of Levin and Hunt largely have, this study will present primary data obtained in local or national archives and related particularly to the Ministry of Finance.
Merchants and Control of the Silver Trade
In 1821 Dionicio de Viscarra wrote to the minister of state, Hipólito Unanue, about the internal silver trade. First he described the relations between merchants, rescatadores or bolicheros, as he called them, and the peons or busconeros in the mines. Later he referred to the relations between these same merchants and the mine owners in Cerro de Pasco.
There have existed since early times in Pasco some silver Merchants with the name of Rescatadores or Bolicheros whose activity has been to provide [habilitar] to the busconeros clothing, brandy, azogues [mercury], tools, and some money. The busconero or peon takes to the Boliche [primitive mining mill] his metal that he has stolen (which is always the most valuable that has been extracted from the mines) or acquired a partido [in a share arrangement]; this business is so lucrative and safe that everyone who has been involved in it is an opulent capitalist while the mine owners are miserable indigents.
Elsewhere in the same document he added:
Every man has absolute freedom to organize his trade with all kinds of merchandise, and the silver metal pastes have been and are in these Provinces the principal ones. . . . A bolichero in Pasco, the same as in the other mining centers, pays the marc of silver at seven pesos at most; but he gives brandy and other goods as a means of payment, making, of course, large profits from this trade. The mine owner, who does not have another way to sell his precious goods, suffers the conditions that the buyer imposes on him, because he cannot avoid them and because it is very urgent for him to receive some help in order to continue his work.18
These references give an image of a group of mineworkers and mine owners tightly controlled by merchants who provided them with mining materials (azogues, tools) and consumer goods (brandy, cloth, wheat), which sometimes were produced for mass and lower-class consumption (aguardiente, for example). Merchants also provided the mine owners with the necessary credit to keep the mining work going. Such credit was sometimes only enough to cover the unavoidable expenses of working the mines. Mining production offered no opportunity for large capital accumulation, at least according to Viscarra’s report. Finally, the merchants fixed or controlled the selling price of silver, and the miners did not have “another way to sell their alhaja under more favorable conditions.”
The strategic importance of the merchants, as this and other documents attest, was a familiar element in Peruvian and, in general, Andean mining that had its roots in colonial times.19 In 1833, therefore, the trading system seemed substantially unchanged from colonial times. On June 11, for example, the central government decreed, “silver bars can be sent without restriction to the Lima Mint by persons who so desire, although they shall bring with them coupons [guías].”20 Earlier that year Francisco Quirós, the prefect of Junín province, based at Cerro de Pasco, expressed his pride in the measures he had recently taken to facilitate the trade between Lima and Cerro de Pasco, in which silver bars were running in one direction and “other merchandise,” especially consumer goods and mining inputs, in the opposite one. Quirós reported to the minister of finance:
The transit from this town to that Capital did not represent any risk for the transport of silver Bars. I ordered that an edict be published stating that the merchants of this branch of trade could buy [silver] Pastes and take their Bars. This activity has had a good effect because the speculation on Piñas has not suffered any alteration, with which I have satisfied the above-mentioned note of Your Excellency.21
Around 1844 the silver trade reached its height, “being the entire production of this mining center the quantity of twenty and four thousand marcs per month approximately, and delivering at least half of this to the city of Lima.”22 The merchants, however, clearly had established dominance over mining production by fixing the purchase price of silver. Despite a government decree settling “the piña price to eight pesos one real,” the merchants, “because of the scarcity of money circulation, tend to pay below the current price if it is paid in good money [moneda de buena ley, silver money of legal standard], so this kind of contract is preferred by the majority of the miners.”23 The merchants also controlled the circulation process of silver ore, pastes, bars, and coins. Their dominance of mining production was a constant from 1821, the year of the Viscarra report and also of Peruvian independence, to the middle of the century.24
In 1844 the merchants also were turning to new mechanisms to retain that control. Faced with a lack of currency in the mining center while virtually monopolizing the stock of monedas de buena ley, the merchants once again imposed their low prices on the purchase of silver metal, later obtaining a large profit when they sold the metal bars at the Mint House in Lima.25
That same year the prefect of Cerro de Pasco, J. J. Salcedo, recognized that the merchants’ role was indispensable to the functioning of the mining economy in that region of the country. Without traders and merchant houses, he believed, no mining would have existed in Peru, or it would have gained only minor proportions. At the outset of his tenure as prefect, Salcedo had acknowledged that a decline had taken place in mining activity as a result of the antagonism between Lima merchants and Cerro de Pasco miners. But later, after the involvement of some local merchants at his insistence, mining recovered.
When I arrived in this city [Cerro de Pasco], because . . . of the conflict this Department was in relative to Lima, mines were inactive, commerce paralyzed, and the [production of] silver pastes forestalled. . .. I organized several deals with merchants of this city allowing them the free export of bars to foreign countries with the condition that they pay in advance four reales per each marc of silver established in their contracts.
Thus Villate, Cavieses, Argumanis, and Larco exported 10,870 marcs, after paying 5,435 pesos to the Treasury [a la Hacienda]. Sr. Lequerica also paid 10,000 pesos for export duties of 20,000 marcs; and Sr. Matheus, 2,500 pesos for the export of 5,000 marcs. The silver bars must leave the country by the port of Huacho. Four reales per marc that was exported was paid.26
The reference strongly suggests a decrease in the silver trade’s tax burden. But it also gives insight into the commercial relationship between Cerro de Pasco and Lima. The trade arrangement for the silver bars coming out of the Cerro de Pasco mines was negotiated in Lima. Close contact was thereby established between Lima, the distribution center of commodities and money for the whole country, and Cerro de Pasco, the largest mining center in the central highlands. The merchants and the muleteer traders played a major role in maintaining this contact as they plied the routes between the ports and the capital city; and the contact itself opened the internal market to the international one.
The testimony of Prefect Salcedo, however, also suggests an alternative route in the Cerro de Pasco silver trade. The merchants Villate, Cavieses, Argumanis, Larco, Lequerica, and Matheus were transporting silver bars for export from Cerro de Pasco to the port of Huacho, about one hundred miles north of Lima, without entering the capital. This concession from Prefect Salcedo permitted them to orient their business directly to the export point, but forced them to pay in advance a tax of four reales per marc that was exported, equivalent to 6 percent of the value of silver. Salcedo’s move to allow Cerro de Pasco merchants a new and more direct connection with the port of Huacho also gave rise to renewed competition among merchants for control of the silver trade. Some Lima merchants stood to lose business under these new arrangements.
The purchase of silver in the mining centers, its trade for consumer goods, and its transport via mule trains to the ports fostered an internal circulation process that established linkages with other economic activities of the region. Its regional location thereby allowed silver mining to evolve as an export sector at the same time that it stimulated and assimilated into the internal economy. The export, or external circulation, of silver could not have taken place without a previous internal circulation process.
The Cerro de Pasco-Lima Route
Data reflecting the amount and frequency of silver deliveries from Cerro de Pasco to Lima reveal the contours of this trade, which, in spite of some competition, remained the most important flow of silver in the country during the nineteenth century. In 1826, for example, 164,223 marcs of silver arrived in Lima from Cerro de Pasco.27 In 1843, in the midst of the greatest mining boom of the century, 201,456 marcs arrived in Lima from Cerro de Pasco.28 And in 1886, immediately after the war with Chile and with the railroad already transporting the bulk of the silver production, the figure was 62,954 marcs.29 The sources for these data are not exactly the same, so the numbers are not necessarily comparable. But the amounts are large enough to establish the Cerro de Pasco-Lima connection’s preeminence throughout the century. With regard to the frequency of the silver deliveries, an ordinance of 1861 declared “that a contingent going from Pasco to Lima may leave every 15 days” carrying the silver bars produced in the mining center, which merchants in Lima would buy with minted silver or silver coins.30
The Swiss traveler Johann Jakob von Tschudi, who visited Peru between 1838 and 1842, best describes this trade in commenting on the trails and roads that left Cerro de Pasco.
To the west is the road that descends through the valley of Canta toward Lima. Over this route all the silver that is not contraband goes to the capital city. In the villages of Obrajillo and Canta live the owners of the large mule trains that keep the commercial communication between the two cities alive. The silver transformed into bars is delivered to the mule traders against a simple receipt, and they carry loads of a value of several hundred thousand hard pesos to Lima, without being accompanied by the owners or a military guard. They are not exposed to the attacks of the road bandits because the latter could not carry the heavy stamped bars [las barras selladas]. The minted silver, by contrast, goes from the capital city to Llangas or Santa Rosa with a military escort that is not always capable of resisting the assaults of the negro bandit hordes.31
The route between Lima and Cerro de Pasco was the official route of silver. This axis connected the great mining center and the country’s administrative, political, and commercial capital, where, according to José Abeleyra in 1844, “at least half” of Cerro de Pasco’s mining production was destined.32 The convoys of silver left Cerro de Pasco heading south through the Bombón pampa and descended the gorge of La Viuda to the Chillón valley approaching Lima. In Llangas or Santa Rosa de Quives, some 25 miles from Lima in the valley, the loads were exchanged, silver bars for minted silver or coins. The distance between Cerro de Pasco and Lima is about 186 miles, a ten-day mule trip at an average 18.6 miles per day. Only near the end of the journey did the actual exchange take place, the formal sale having been completed beforehand, either by the merchant houses at the Lima Mint or in Cerro de Pasco. The journey ended when the caravan entered the city of Lima.
The amount and the value of silver circulating between Cerro de Pasco and Lima can be roughly calculated, taking into consideration Abeleyra’s 50 percent claim. In 1820 the silver production of the official smelting house in Cerro de Pasco was about 312,000 marcs. In 1830 it was 95,000 marcs, and in 1840 it was 307,000 marcs.33 The amount of silver transported from Cerro de Pasco to Lima thus can be estimated at 156,000 marcs in 1820, 47,500 marcs in 1830, and 153,500 marcs in 1840.
Estimating 120 kilograms as the normal load a mule could carry, transporting these quantities of silver would have required some 299 mules in 1820, 91 in 1830, and 295 in 1840. If, according to the ordinances of 1861, a transport convoy left the mining center every 15 days, that convoy would have comprised 12 mules in 1820, 4 in 1830, and again 12 in 1840. Here the calculation becomes somewhat problematic; it would have been impossible to dispatch a convoy as small as 4 mules. It is more likely that convoys of 8 mules departed once a month. But for general purposes it is reasonable to say that every 15 days, according to the 1820 and 1840 data, a convoy of 12 mules left Cerro de Pasco for Lima carrying 1,440 kilograms of silver with an approximate value of 50,000 pesos.
Documentary evidence supports these calculations. According to the records of the Lima Mint (Casa de Moneda), 66 silver bars arrived from Cerro de Pasco in May 1836 with a total weight of 11,220 marcs (2,513 kilograms) and an approximate value of 89,760 pesos. They were transported by 3 muleteers (arrieros) in 4 deliveries that used some 21 mules. Furthermore, according to this record, every 15 days, an average of 10 mules left Cerro de Pasco, transporting 1,304.5 kilograms of silver with an approximate value of 45,000 pesos.34
Tschudi notes that the arrieros of the Cerro de Pasco-Lima route were based in the villages of Obrajillo and Canta. Obrajillo, whose name indicates the presence of an old colonial textile workshop (obraje), and Canta, a village of farmers and herders, both stood at the upper end of the Chillón valley.35 The village of Yauli also was an important center for arriería in the central Peruvian sierra. There, the Indian or mestizo arrieros did not always use mules but also horses, llamas, or alpacas for carrying goods through the regional networks. Thus even the word arriero does not exactly describe these Andean peasant traders. In this case Harneros or troperos are the most appropriate terms, and the terms that actually were used in earlier eras and are still used today.36
There was also a certain division of labor among the different beasts of burden. Mules were used for long-distance or interregional trade, while llamas were appropriated for local transportation.37 Even in the mining centers, llamas were used to carry mineral ores from the mines to the haciendas de beneficio (mineral-refining mills), whereas mules transported the metal bars. Horses were ridden by the mine managers and supervisors and used for pulling millstones and crushing the silver-mercury amalgama. Oxcarts or horse carts were scarce in that rugged terrain, although they were numerous in the low valleys and ravines (quebradas), on the flat roads, and in cities like Lima, Jauja, or Huancayo.
The use of mules, llamas, or horses also depended on their availability. Llamas were more plentiful because the herding of llamas and alpacas was a venerable tradition in the Andean sierras. The use of these animals in mining-related transport therefore also indicates the enormous role that peasant economies and peasant communities played in supplying the nineteenth-century mining centers.38
In addition to the Lima connection that followed the Chillón valley, the route connecting Cerro de Pasco with Huacho and other coastal ports was another link to the international market. Huacho was a minor export port that also maintained a heavy intercoastal trade with Lima.39 In 1825 a Mr. Tudor, an English commercial agent linked with the establishment of the Steam Engine Company in Cerro de Pasco, took this route there from Huacho and described all the incidents, places, haciendas, mines, and mining mills he encountered during the trip.40
Prefect Salcedo in 1844 was stimulating the silver trade between Cerro de Pasco and Huacho with this route, which followed the Huaura valley. The merchants and mine owners in Cerro de Pasco sent 35,870 marcs of silver to Huacho in 1844 via ibis route. The amount represents an estimated 280,000 pesos in commercial value and the use of some 70 mules over the course of the year. This is also the route used by the mule trader and merchant Patricio Ginez between 1820 and 1826 to deliver to Cerro de Pasco mercury, domestic and foreign textiles, and grape liquor, trading them for silver metal.41
Tschudi mentions this route, indicating that in 1838 “a contraband of 85,000 marcs of silver was taken to the port of Huacho and put safely on board a small schooner.”42 Thus the Huacho route was evidently a practical alternative for moving silver to the ports. It was nevertheless a route of lesser importance than the connector between Cerro de Pasco and Lima.
Interior Routes and the Domestic Market
Apart from these two routes toward the coast and the ports, the routes of the interior show the articulation of the mining center with regions that contributed to an important domestic production and an internal market. These routes connected Cerro de Pasco with the city of Huánuco to the east, with Huánuco el Viejo and Huaraz to the north, and with the towns of Tarma and Jauja and the Mantaro valley to the south. Tschudi recorded his acute observations of these different localities in the 1840s.
In the town of Pasco that was previously so wealthy the routes that go to Lima and Tarma part. The first goes through the Pampas of Bombón and El Diezmo to the Pass of La Viuda; the other through the Tambo of Ninacaca (altitude 12,853 feet) and the little village of Carhuamayo (altitude 13,087 feet) to Junín, crossing at a very short distance from a very large lake called Chinchaycocha (also de Reyes or Junín), at 13,000 feet above sea level. . .. At the extreme southeast . . . there is a big town, at 13,187 feet above sea level. During colonial times it was called Reyes and before it is the famous Pampa of Junín. . .. From Junín a road eight leagues long takes you over the irregular high plateau to Cacas, a village of a few hamlets, and afterward, in three hours, through very narrow ravines, to the picturesque valley of Tarma.43
The route from Cerro de Pasco to Tarma indeed was one of the most important roads in the network that tied Cerro de Pasco with its regional environment.44 It connected the great mining center with two of the most extensive and fertile valleys of the central sierra, Mantaro and Tarma.45 This route represented a clear articulation of the Cerro de Pasco mining production with the interior economy.46
This is the route, or, so to speak, the socioeconomic regional space, in which another mule trader, Francisco de Paula Otero, developed his enterprise. Otero was a powerful muleteer and merchant who traded some 3,200 jugs of grape liquor per year and a similar number of fanegas of wheat, apart from other minor items, with a total yearly value of some 52,000 pesos.47 His trading territory embraced Cerro de Pasco in the north and Puquio, in the department of Ayacucho, in the south. This region, in the core of the Peruvian Andes, included at its heart the Mantaro valley, with its one hundred thousand hectares of very fertile lowlands. The silver from the northern mining center circulated through the regional economy, irrigating it like the river waters did the crop fields. The trains of mules following the routes Tschudi mentioned traveled on from Tarma to Puquio. Tarma was de Paula Otero’s place of residence. On the route from Tarma to Puquio he developed his business with the small muleteers Manuel Palacios and Mariano Reinoso, among others, carrying silver metal from one side and various agricultural commodities from the other.48
Another example, although on a smaller scale, is that of an Italian merchant from Cerro de Pasco, Luis Cardona. Cardona in 1828 sent over the Cerro de Pasco-Tarma route loads of fruit and green barley (the latter used as livestock fodder), as well as 448 marcs of plata piña with an approximate value of four thousand pesos, which were confiscated by internal customs agents because he had not paid the necessary fiscal duties. Cardona was not, however, the transporter of these commodities; that job was done by the mule trader Tomás Valdez, a native and resident of Canta living at that time on the hacienda Matuchaca. Valdez transported the goods with “a mule and two wooden baskets.”49
Fortunately, some studies exist about the rural life and agrarian structure of the Tarma and Mantaro valleys, as well as others on the Yanamarca valley, a smaller valley between the cities of Tarma and Jauja.50 On the basis of these studies it can be said that generally a very large part of the agricultural and pastoral production of the landed and peasant economies in these valleys went to the mining area of Cerro de Pasco. Other important markets included Lima and Huancayo. Until 1847, at least, that production consisted of meat, wool, and other staples such as wheat, corn, and potatoes; coca, grape, and sugarcane liquor; and finally, after 1847, coffee, which was cultivated in the tropical areas of the Amazon forest, especially in the Chanchamayo valley. This region had just been “recovered” by the Peruvian government from the Ashaninka Indians, who had controlled it since the rebellion of Juan Santos Atahualpa (1742-1755).51
Around 1870, according to Fiona Wilson’s study, 120,000 arrobas of sugarcane liquor were traded from the San Ramón valley, bordering the Amazonian region southeast of Tarma. Of this total, 60,000 arrobas went west to the Mantaro valley, 40,000 to Tarma, and 20,000 to the mining areas of Cerro de Pasco and Huarochirí.52 The tropical San Ramón valley had displaced the valleys of lea and Pisco, on the Peruvian coast, as provider of liquor to the central sierra. The alcoholic basis of this beverage had also changed from grape liquor to sugarcane liquor (from aguardiente de uva to cañazo). The Peruvian sociologist Nelson Manrique’s studies also mention sugarcane liquor coming from Pariahuanca to be traded in the city of Huancayo.53
Again according to Wilson’s figures, 120,000 arrobas of sugarcane liquor in volume amount to about 6.5 million marcs, 20 times more than the amount of silver metal extracted from Cerro de Pasco in those years. In terms of prices, that of sugarcane liquor was 160 times lower than the price of the silver marc. The economic production of the San Ramón valley, therefore, considering only the sugarcane liquor trade, would have had the value of 350,000 pesos per year, while the silver trade in Cerro de Pasco would have had the value of 2 million pesos, or almost six times the value of sugarcane liquor production in San Ramón.54 Both areas nevertheless represented two poles of economic development in the region, and both were developing trade relations that constituted an internal market. Trade in commodities such as sugarcane or grape liquor, moreover, was significant in this market in nineteenth-century Peru because of the high domestic consumption of these two beverages, especially among the Indian peasant worker population. Another commodity of similar if not greater importance was coca leaves, for which, unfortunately, little primary documentation has been uncovered.55
Tschudi completes the picture of the convergence of routes in Cerro de Pasco with reference to the town market.
As Cerro does not produce anything but silver, to stay there is too expensive. Everything indispensable for life is brought from very far away. If the stores are abundantly provided with everything necessary and even with luxuries, prices are very high, increased by the costs of remote transport, the sellers’ greed, and the excessive abundance of money. The market, filled with every kind of goods, has no reason to envy that of Lima, because the coast, the highlands, and the jungle send their products to it.56
Another traveler of the same period, the Englishman Archibald Smith, makes a similar reference when he itemizes some of the most widely consumed goods: potatoes, alcaser (green barley to feed livestock), maize, wheat, onions, cabbages, various kinds of lettuce, flowers—“for the use of chapels and churches”—besides “a great variety of fruits, [with the market also] full of good and fresh meat and other provisions in abundance.”57
These and other accounts provide a basis for tracing the routes to Cerro de Pasco in the first half of the nineteenth century (see map). Oroya was a significant crossroads for the central sierra trade market. From this mining town and peasant community,
several roads go to the various regions of the cordillera. The most frequently used are the one that goes from the extensive highland of Cachi Cachi to Jauja, crossing a monotonous and rolling region; the not as long but much more difficult road to Tarma, which, three leagues after Oroya, surrounds the Inca fortress of Huichay; and there is a third road, very heavily traveled, that goes to Huaypacha and from there to Junín and Cerro de Pasco.58
Finally, referring to the road from Cerro de Pasco to Tarma, Tschudi adds:
The surrounding area of Cerro de Pasco, especially the road between this city and Cacas [Cajas] in the puna, is very dangerous. Bands of bandits lurk in wait for travelers, hidden behind rocks, and sometimes kill them using stones thrown with Indian slings. When there were very important mining booms in Cerro, that road became so unsafe it was only possible to travel in large, armed caravans.59
Tschudi’s descriptions of this landscape compare favorably with the testimonies of other nineteenth-century travelers. Two whose accounts are especially fruitful in their accuracy and detail are Mariano de Rivero y Ustáriz and the Italian traveler Antonio Raimondi.60 Rivero y Ustáriz, general director of mining between 1826 and 1829, personally visited Cerro de Pasco in 1827, writing a report and preparing a map of the city “and its surrounding areas” that same year.61 Raimondi traveled throughout Peru several times in his 40-year residence there.
Methodologically it would be preferable to use the accounts of arrieros or llarneros to gain a precise picture of the road conditions and the routes of trade and transportation. Such testimonies, unfortunately, are scattered, and not descriptive at all. Travelers, by contrast, are very observant, and they portray in detail the roads and the incidents of their journeys. The obvious reason in this case is that the travelers were almost always foreigners, amazed by the discoveries they were making on these, their first trips to (for them) unknown regions of the Andes. The mestizo or Indian muleteers, accustomed to their routine trips, knew perfectly the areas they were traveling and were not surprised by them. Furthermore, they did not write, while the foreign traveler had the aim of producing a literary or scientific testament to the trip.62 Thus, for the historian of today the surprised newcomer left vivid accounts and descriptions of the Andean roads, while the frequent traveler, the person who knew well the landscape and the locales, left only scattered records.
The Rivero and Raimondi Accounts
According to Rivero’s observations, three roads radiated from Cerro de Pasco: one toward the northwest called “el camino de Tusi”; another to the northeast, “el camino de Huánuco”; and the third to the south, “el camino de Lima.” It was this one that later divided into a southeast path, the route to Lima, and a southwest path to Tarma, Jauja, and Huancayo. Describing this last road, Rivero mentions the old Inca trail that was still in use.
It is easy to observe in this [road] a causeway, made by the ancient people of the Andes, 2 varas wide and about 3½ long, all made of calcareous stone, which is of great use in winter times when the land is all swampy: it is to be found between the village of Carhuamayo and the town of Junín.63
Rivero refers later to the “existence also of an underground aqueduct that goes from the Racracancha grassland to Tambo-Inga, a palace of the ancient Incas, whose ruins are over a hill that divides the plains; that aqueduct was used to channel water when the Inca king came to visit the towns.”64 Nelson Manrique has noted that in the nineteenth century the Inca road that passed through the city of Huancayo was still in nearly perfect condition. Indeed, the city of Huancayo stood where it did because it was situated “on both sides of the Inca road, the famous highway that united longitudinally the empire.”65 Some primary documents also contain references to the use of the Inca highway system—in colonial times called el camino Real (the royal road)—especially near Lima, climbing toward the Andes. Thus the miner José Manuel Días Rojas observed in 1832 that “those roads [are] tiring and dangerous, and these [the ones based on the Inca trail] very flat and well known.”66
In this way, the fantastic system of Inca imperial roads—more than 14,000 miles long, according to John Hyslop—was still in use in the nineteenth century, at least in some places.67 Those segments, moreover, were better and safer than the rest of the roads, paths, and tracks that linked Cerro de Pasco with its agricultural and pastoral hinterland; and some segments continued to be used as in Inca times without major improvements or repairs. A pre-Hispanic material heritage therefore was still the infrastructure for trading in the nineteenth century. In reference to the Cerro de Pasco routes, Rivero stated:
Through any way one wants to leave Cerro de Pasco toward the northeast and west, one has to descend considerably, and thus in less than an hour one is in a very benign climate and a vegetation that is impossible to see in Yauricocha or Pasco.68
Only an hour’s walk from the mining center one left behind the puna weather of Pasco and Yauricocha, both more than 14,190 feet above sea level, and reached the threshold of more temperate Andean valleys. It is easy to understand the strong connections between the mining center and these cabeceras de valles (valley heads), from which most of its food staples came. The head of the Yanahuanca and Huallaga valleys, for example, led to the city of Huánuco, which Rivero mentions.
There is no branch of agriculture here [in Cerro de Pasco], in spite of the fact that potatoes, ocas, ullucos, macas, and barley are crops of rigid temperament; if barley is planted in the valleys in this area it does not grow grain. Nevertheless, nothing is missing in the Cerro de Pasco market, being there the good fruit, vegetables, and other foodstuffs that are brought from Huánuco, 20 leagues away from here, and from other neighboring towns.69
If Tschudi’s account emphasized silver’s exit routes to the coast (the Lima route) and those that connected with the interior (the Tarma route), Rivero traced the links with Huánuco and the agrarian production of the Huallaga valley.70 The narratives of the Italian traveler Antonio Raimondi provide another contrasting perspective on the roads that connected Cerro de Pasco with its surrounding agricultural areas.71 Raimondi visited the central sierra and the Cerro de Pasco area principally in 1852, 1855, 1857, 1867, and 1885. His accounts of his journeys follow chronologically those of Rivero (1826-1829) and Tschudi (1838-1842).
In his 1852 and 1855 journals Raimondi does not make many references to the regional roads; but those notebooks nevertheless formed the basis for later comparisons and observations. His 1857 trip took him from Lima to Cerro de Pasco, and his description clearly notes the many stops a traveler or a muleteer had to make before arriving at the mining center.
In 1857 Raimondi went first to the pampa of Amancaes, leaving Lima from the Portada de Guía. His first stop was the hacienda Caballero and its tambo (trading post). From there he followed the path of the Río Seco for about 3 leagues (some 15 kilometers, or 9.4 miles), then passed through a narrow ravine where “one has to climb a hilltop and later enter the Chillón River valley.” Five leagues from the hacienda Caballero he reached Alcacoto, a small hamlet; and half a league farther he arrived in Yangas, or Santa Rosa de Quives, according to Raimondi “only a small town.” From Yangas he went to Navancocha, where the valley divided into two branches. Four leagues farther he found the village of Yaso. From Yaso it was a short trip to Obrajillo and thence to Ascalón, where Raimondi crossed the pass of La Viuda, 14,850 feet above sea level, the valley’s highest point. This took him out of the Chillón valley and into the altiplano, on the high plateau of Bombón or Junín.
As Raimondi describes it, close to Palcamayo “at the right side of the road there is a mine of high-quality coal, which is highly esteemed in Cerro de Pasco, where there is a lot of consumption of it because it gives a good flame. 72 He followed the road until eventually arriving in Huayllay, “where in its surroundings there are many mines of silver-bearing lead and also of pavonado [the common name for gray copper and similar minerals] and pacos [oxidized minerals], some of which are being exploited at the present time to good profit.”73 Finally, not far from Huayllay was, and still is, a thermal spring. From there,
the road continues crossing great plains at high altitude and several small rivers; later it climbs a long and flattened hill, traversing the mountains that form the limits of the Pasco mineral basin, leaving at the left the famous mines of Colquijirca that were exploited before this one, and at the right the town of Pasco; lastly, getting to the top of this hill, one must descend for a league into the mineral hoya, at the center of which the city of Cerro is located.74
In 1867 Raimondi described a different route to Cerro de Pasco. This time he traversed the Mantaro valley, taking the route from Huancayo to Jauja. From Jauja he went to Tarma, passing the ruins of the great pre-Hispanic warehouses of Tarmatambo. Raimondi observed that in 1855 this had been a bad road but now, in 1867, it was a good one, a result of the commercial boom in the city of Tarma and the economic prostration of Jauja. Tarma was by then the leading urban center en la ceja de montaña and the receiving point for the expanding agricultural production of the San Ramón valley. In 1885 Raimondi would acknowledge the sources of this boom: a flourishing of economic activities on the “mountain” of Chanchamayo, especially the production of aguardiente de caña.75 In 1867, from Tarma,
I went to the mining town [pueblo mineral] of Huaypacha, located on the left [north] bank of the Oroya River. After visiting the mining town, which currently is in a very bad state because of the very small amount of silver that is extracted from its mines, I took the road toward the town of Junín. Since no traffic passes between Huaypacha and Junín, the road that connects one place with the other has almost no transit and there are parts of it in which there is not even a sketch of the road, so the traveler must have an experienced guide so as not to get lost.76
Around 1867, therefore, almost at the beginning of the Peruvian railroad era, the road between Huaypacha and Junín was in terrible condition, barely serving to link the mining town with the commercial and agricultural center. The road between Jauja and Tarma, on the other hand, was very good. Raimondi also comments that from the hamlet of Chacamarca, a league before Junín, the road was “completely flat and in good condition.” Thus some roads were being abandoned and would soon disappear, while others were gaining importance and rapidly being improved. It is notable that today there is no road between the old mining town of Huaypacha, now called Malpaso, and Junín.77 What Raimondi was perceiving then was the beginning of a trend that would continue well into the twentieth century.
From Junín in 1867 the tireless traveler did not take the busy road through Carhuamayo and the tambo of Ninacaca, along the northeast side of Junín (Chinchaycocha) Lake. Instead he followed the other side of the lake to the village of Ondores. On the way he found several small hamlets with large Indian families who shared their dwellings with various domesticated animals, including dogs and guinea pigs.78 Every hamlet had a deposit of champa, camelid manure that served as fuel. From Ondores, Raimondi continued to the salt mine of San Bias and to the small Indian village of Pary.79 One league from Pary was the bridge over the original source of the Mantara River, and from there “the road was straight and flat” from Pasco to Vico to Cerro de Pasco.
From Cerro de Pasco Raimondi took the route north toward Ambo and later Huánuco, roads that Mariano de Rivero had traveled many times some 40 years earlier. “From Ambo to Huánuco the road is almost flat and very pleasant; it could even be considered as a promenade among beautiful haciendas cultivated with sugarcane,” Raimondi observes.80 Afterward he returned to the mining center not through the “previous straight road” but through the village of Huácar, where he noted many fruit orchards (muchas huertas de frutales); Antapilca, a “miserable little village”; the hacienda Pucabamba; the estancia Viscas; and the lake of Alcacocha. From Alcacocha it was only two leagues to Cerro de Pasco.
The return trip to Lima took Raimondi through the Chancay valley, descending from the highest mountains of the Andes to the smooth plains of the coastal strip. While still on the altiplano this route passed through Rancas, a pastoral Indian community; the hacienda Conoc, whose “main output is livestock for wool (ganado lanar) and [which] is also very productive, having a secure market in the nearby city of Cerro de Pasco where a lot of meat is consumed,” and the Indian peasant communities of Huichaycocha and Pacaraos.81
Raimondi made his final observation about the routes to Cerro de Pasco in 1885, confirming what Rivero had said half a century before. The mining center could be reached via four gorges: from the south (Quiulacocha), the northwest (Rumiallana), the northeast (Pucayacu)—“from where the road to Huánuco goes”—and the east (Tullurauca). But this last “joins with the previous one in the place called La Quinua, two leagues of distance from Cerro de Pasco.”82 Raimondi concluded with this assessment: the mining center of Cerro de Pasco was located 52 leagues from Lima, where barley was “the only crop that is cultivated and is used as fodder for the beasts”; and the pit coal exploited nearby, in Huayllay and Rancas, was an important mining input there.83
In sum, the routes and roads this traveler took on his way to Cerro de Pasco passed through a variety of settlements, from haciendas and tambos to villages, pueblos mineral to Indian communities. Apart from the mining centers, all the settlements were agricultural or pastoral. These pedestrian highways thereby sustained a web of internal economic relationships within a broader economic fabric, linked through the muleteer trade to the main regional export activity, silver production. Some of these circuits were frequently traveled, such as the road to Lima; some virtually abandoned, such as the way from Huaypacha to Junín.84 The principal ones were the basis for the Cerro de Pasco silver trade; the marginal trails were the paths of contraband or of the illegal silver trade.
The principal routes linked Cerro de Pasco with Lima through the Chillón valley; with the valleys of Tarma and Jauja through Junín and Carhuamayo; with the Huallaga valley through the city of Huánuco; and with northern Peru through the Yanahuanca valley to Huánuco Pampa and Huaraz. At the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, the geographer Germán Stiglich described again these historic thoroughfares that connected the most important nineteenth-century mining center with its trading partners. For Stiglich, the pattern of the Cerro de Pasco mining trade was very simple. Only three main cities had strong ties with the mining center: Lima, “que dista 52 leguas” (52 leagues away); Tarma, “que dista 18 leguas”; and Huánuco, “que dista 23 leguas.”85 And so it remained for Cerro de Pasco in its regional context until a new trader appeared on the scene. This trader created its own routes, overwhelming the paths previously walked by muleteers and merchants, porters and travelers. The newcomer was a huge and noisy machine, making its entry into Peruvian history: the railroad. But that is another story.86
The Value of Regional Trade
The trade that circulated over the nineteenth-century routes that Rivero, Tschudi, and Raimondi have described might be quantified with reference to the goods going to Cerro de Pasco to be exchanged for silver metal or silver coins. It can be assumed that the total value of silver production in Cerro de Pasco had to be traded for other goods and services, including labor, minus the profits of the mine owners and, more important, those of the silver merchants. There is, then, a direct relation between the amount of silver production and the amount of the regional trade.
The historian Magdalena Chocano, analyzing Cerro de Pasco’s regional trade at the end of the colonial period, presents data from Internal Customs records that show the regional distribution of the trade before and including 1819 (see table 1). According to Chocano’s data, clearly 79 percent of the goods entering Cerro de Pasco that year came from Lima.87 But these data are imperfect because they do not include several kinds of goods that did not pay the alcabala, the colonial sales tax. Such goods included food staples like potatoes, bread, corn, and wheat. A clear sign of the limitation of Chocano’s sources emerges in comparing the total value of this trade (302,666 pesos) with the value of Cerro de Pasco silver production in the same year (1,523,416 pesos). The regional trade would amount to only 19.8 percent of the value of silver.
Chocano’s studies nevertheless are very useful for showing the Cerro de Pasco trade network, the regional articulation of localities where goods were exchanged for silver that put mining areas in contact with other economic activities, such as agriculture, herding, and craft production. Thus Cerro de Pasco received goods from communities as near as Tarma and Cajatambo and as far away as Salta and Lambayeque.
In 1849 the Cerro de Pasco correspondent for the Lima newspaper El Comercio elaborated a geography of the regional trade that converged in the mining city.88 The values listed by this correspondent exceed those presented by Chocano (see table 2). The total trade with Cerro de Pasco, according to this source, was 2.5 million pesos, or 92.5 percent of the previous year’s silver production.89 This much higher figure reflects not only the growth of regional trade in the intervening years but also a likely change in the nature and patterns of that trade. It is probable that from 1819 to 1849 the relative importance of some areas grew more than others, changing the directions and dimensions of the regional flows in agricultural, pastoral, or artisanal goods. In any case, both references reinforce the image of a large trade network, a regional market in the making, either following or driven by a healthy mining economy that produced the vital commodity, silver. This regional trade network presupposed the routes and the roads, the infrastructural support, on which this trade was based.
Some Propositions About the Internal Market
What are the tentative conclusions to take from these accounts of the internal makeup of Peru’s silver economy? First, the predominance of silver merchants over mining producers is clear. Profits came mostly from exchange rather than from production. The merchants’ control hinged on two mechanisms: control of credit and the supply of mining inputs and consumer goods, and control of market prices. Merchants obtained the silver metal at low prices and supplied the mining inputs and consumer goods at high prices. The silver trade, furthermore, was based mostly on the exchange of goods for goods, silver metal for various commodities, without actual cash purchases. Merchants sent the silver bars to the government mints and obtained cash for them; but this money did not generally return to the mining centers. What did return were goods and mining inputs, brought in by the merchants via the muleteer system. And the prices of these goods and inputs once again were manipulated by the merchants.
Silver therefore was not fully realized as a commodity, at least not from the mine owners’ perspective. The miners exchanged silver for goods and inputs. The relative concentration of money in the merchants’ hands deprived the miners of investment capital.90 A dependent relationship developed between miner and merchant, and a similar one between merchant and muleteer.
Muleteering (arriería) is the practical example of this study’s general proposition, that commercial and transport activities predominated over productive ones in the central sierra and its mining economy. Whether agents of commercial houses or independent operators, these regional traders carried the silver and the exchange goods over the roads between the mining centers and the distribution centers for various commodities, such as Lima; between coastal export outlets and interior agricultural and pastoral areas.
These propositions suggest that future research should focus in more detail on the role of the largest commercial houses, especially those of Lima, in the marketing, financing, and production of the mining economy in the central sierra. The merchants developed a comprehensive, reliable network of contacts and distribution. They aimed to reach all the mining centers, trying always to control the prices of both incoming consumer and mining goods and outgoing silver metal. They worked with the muleteers who plied the mining routes. In this way the merchants contributed to the creation of a market, albeit a controlled and coercive one.
The silver trade in some respects had a greater significance in developing a domestic market and economy than did guano. Guano production was localized on the coast and some islands, so its regional and geographic impact was not as extensive as that of silver, whose production centers were deep in the country’s interior. While the wealth and capital generated by guano production surpassed that of silver, especially during its boom years after the 1850s, silver arguably provided a greater stimulus to the development of Peru’s internal economy. Silver thus could be said to have had a greater qualitative impact on the economy in general, compared to the more purely quantitative impact of guano.
The silver trade routes to the inter-Andean valleys, the Mantaro and the Huallaga, were especially important to that market because they connected the central mining area of Cerro de Pasco with agricultural and pastoral producing areas. A complete system of routes and roads and a transportation system based on mules and llamas thereby took shape.
The interior routes basically formed three axes. One was the Mantaro valley and neighboring areas, including the most important cities of Huancayo, Jauja, and Tarma and the Amazon tributaries at La Merced, San Ramón, and Chanchamayo. From here came aguardiente, coffee, and coca. Another was the Huallaga valley and the city of Huánuco, also producing sugarcane and coca, as well as grains, vegetables, and fruit. The third was the northern route, much less important, to Huánuco El Viejo and Huaraz, arriving at the Santa River valley. Along these regional axes— or sometimes avoiding them—traders both legal and illegal connected Cerro de Pasco with some 20 cities and towns in late colonial times, 14 or more local sources in 1849 (see tables 1 and 2).
The accounts of travelers who followed the trade routes at different times fill out in rich detail the picture of the internal market organized by the silver trade. They describe all the localities they passed, the haciendas, estancias, towns, Indian villages, and peasant communities; the types of landscape and production found there; and the links established with these suppliers as well as “mineral towns,” suppliers of mining inputs, and peasant Indian communities, suppliers of livestock, pack animals, and other products. They also convey the state of those roads and the conditions of transportation in nineteenth-century Peru before the advent of the railroad.
These narratives attest to the enduring presence of these routes and roads; the occasional peaks of use for some, during agricultural booms; the deterioration and abandonment of others. Yet it was over these routes and governed by those trading conditions that the greatest mining center in nineteenth-century Peru was linked to its regional context and gave rise to the favorable environment in which the internal market flourished.
An earlier version of this paper was submitted, at the kind request of Rory Miller, to the symposium “Regional Approaches to Peruvian History,” 46th International Congress of Americanists, Amsterdam, July 1988, and was written while the author was a Tinker Visiting Professor at Stanford University. I thank especially Steve Haber for his help and support during my stay at Stanford. The present version was written under the auspices of the Latin American Studies Program at the University of Illinois at Chicago. I thank the three anonymous HAHR referees for their comments and criticism and my wife, Susan C. Stokes, for her invaluable help. I also thank Nicanor Domínguez for preparing the map.
See the classic works of Fernand Braudel: The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, 2 vols, (in French, 1949; English ed., New York: Harper and Row, 1972), esp. 1:276-95; and Civilization and Capitalism, Fifteenth to Eighteenth Centuries, 3 vols, (in French, 1979; English ed. New York: Harper and Row, 1981-86), esp. vol. 1, The Structures of Everyday Life, The Limits of the Possible, 415-30. See also Pierre Vilar, La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne: recherches sur les fondements économiques des structures nationales, 3 vols. (Paris: SEVPEN, 1962); and Emilio Sereni, Il capitalismo nelle campagne (Turin: Einaudi, 1968). A U.S. source of inspiration concerning market building in Latin America has been Eric Van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth-Century Mexico: The Rural Economy of the Guadalajara Region, 1675-1820 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1981). See also Carlos Sempat Assadourian, El sistema de la economia colonial. Mercado interno, regiones, y espacio económico (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1982); and José Deustua, “Mines, monnaie, et hommes dans les Andes: une histoire économique et sociale de l’activité minière dans le Pérou du XIXe siècle,” 2 vols. (Doctoral thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, Paris, 1988), esp. vol. 1, chap. 3, pp. 240-372.
The most important contributions are those of Jaime Urrutia: “Comerciantes, arrieras, y viajeros huamanguinos, 1770-1870” (Doctoral thesis, Universidad Nacional San Cristóbal de Huamanga, Ayacucho, 1982); and “De las rutas, ferias, y circuitos en Huamanga,” All-panchis (Cuzco), 18:21 (1983), 47-64.
See, for example, Paul Rivet and Henri Arsandaux, La métallurgie en Amérique précolombienne (Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, 1946); Jean Berthelot, “Une région minière des Andes péruviennes: Carabaya inca et espagnole (1480–1630) (Thèse de doctorat de troisième cycle, Université de Paris, 1977): Jean Berthelot, “L’Exploitation des métaux précieux au temps des Incas,” Anales. Economie, Société, Civilizations (Paris) 5-6 (Sept.–Dec. 1978), 948–66; Rogger Ravines, ed., Tecnología andina (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos/Instituto de Investigación Tecnológica Industrial y de Normas Técnicas, 1978), 475–554; Rafael Varón, “Minería colonial peruana: un ejemplo de integración al sistema económico mundial, siglos XVI-XVII,” Historia y Cultura, Revista del Museo Nacional de Historia (Lima), 11 (1978), 143-70.
See Carlos Sempat Assadourian, “La producción de la mercancía dinero en la formación del mercado interno colonial. El caso del espacio peruano, siglo XVI,” in Ensayos sobre el desarrollo económico de México y América Latina, 1500-1975, ed. Enrique Florescano (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1979), 223-92; idem., El sistema de la economía, esp. 109-34, 209-21, and 277-321; Peter Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545-1650 (Albuquerque: Univ. of New Mexico Press, 1984); idem., Plata y empresa en el Potosí del siglo XVII. La vida y época de Antonio López de Quiroga (Pontevedra: Diputación Provincial de Pontevedra, 1988); Jeffrey A. Cole, The Potosí Mita, 1573-1700: Compulsory Indian Labor in the Andes (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1985); and Enrique Tandeter, Coacción y mercado: la minería de la plata en el Potosí colonial, 1692-1826 (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1992).
They were active until 1834. Since then their activity has been less regular, except for the callana of Pasco. See Mariano Eduardo de Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias científicas, agrícolas, e industriales, 2 vols. (Brussels: Imprenta de H. Goemaere, 1857), 1:225-26; Mateo Paz Soldán, Geografía del Perú, 2 vols. (Paris: Librería de Fermin Didot Hermanos, Hijos y Cía, 1862), 1:254-56; Mauricio Du Chatenet, Estado actual de la industria minera en el Cerro de Pasco (Lima: Anales de la Escuela de Construcciones Civiles y de Minas, 1880), 112-13; John R Fisher, Minas y mineros en el Perú colonial, 1776-1824 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1977), 243; and José Deustua, La minería peruana y la iniciación de la república, 1820–1840 (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1986), 55’ 243-61.
See Memorial de Ciencias Naturales y de Industria Nacional y Extranjera (Lima), Mar. 1828, 1:4, p. 164; Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias 1:219-20; Mariano Felipe Paz Soldán, Diccionario geográfico del Perú (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1877), 208-9; Shane J. Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates of Peruvian Exports, 1830-1962 (Princeton: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, 1973), 51, table 19; Deustua, “Mines et monnaie” 1:5-12. See also Deustua, La minería peruana, 36-37, 62, 243-46; and Carlos Contreras, Mineros y campesinos en los Andes: mercado laboral y economía campesina en la sierra central, siglo XIX, 2d ed. (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1988).
Contreras, Mineros y campesinos. One marc equals 224 grams.
On international prices see Constantino Pérez Duarte, The World and the Depreciation of Silver (Mexico City, n.p., 1931), quoted in Antonio Mitre, Los patriarcas de la Plata: estructura socioeconómica de la minería boliviana en el siglo XIX (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1981), 194. On the Lima Mint prices see Report of the British Consul in Lima, Belford Hinton Wilson, July 20, 1836, London, Public Record Office, Foreign Office, Accounts and Papers of the British Parliamentary Papers, vol. 64, pp. 207-8, year 1847; and Libro de compras de plata que realiza la Tesorería de Casa de Moneda, Archivo General de la Nación, Lima (hereafter AGN), Sección Libros de Cuentas, leg. 241, libro 1166, years 1828-29.
AGN, Sección Histórica del Ministerio de Hacienda (hereafter SHMH), OL 163, caja 68, ff. 925-1155, year 1827.
See Pierre Vilar, Or et monnaie dans l’histoire, 1450-1920 (Paris: Flammarion, 1974); and José Deustua, “El ciclo interno de la producción del oro en el tránsito de la economía colonial a la republicana: Perú, 1800—1840,” HISLA, Revista Latinoamericana de Historia Económica y Social (Lima) 3 (1984), 23-49.
Silver production reached 387,919 marcs of silver in 1842, compared to 320,508 marcs achieved in 1804, its highest point during colonial times. See sources in note 6.
See Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates; also idem., Growth and Guano in Nineteenth-Century Peru (Princeton: Woodrow Wilson School Working Papers, 1973); and idem., “Guano y crecimiento en el Perú del siglo XIX,” HISIA 4 (1984), 35-92, which is the Spanish version, with some corrections, of his 1973 work. For a discussion of government trade policies sustained in guano and silver exports, see also Paul Gootenberg, Between Silver and Guano: Commercial Policy and the State in Postindependence Peru (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1989).
Hunt estimates the guano revenues at 750 million pesos. José Manuel Rodríguez estimates the same at 648 million soles, Jonathan Levin at 600 million dollars, Heraclio Bonilla at 763 million pesos, and Javier Tantalean Arbulú at 814 million soles. I have preferred to use 700 million soles. See Hunt, “Guano y crecimiento,” 53, n. 39; Rodríguez, Estudios económicos y financieros y ojeada sobre la hacienda pública del Perú y la necesidad de su reforma (Lima: Librería Gil, 1895), 317–18; Levin, The Export Economies: Their Pattern of Development in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1960); Bonilla, Guano y Burguesía en el Perú (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1974); Tantalean Arbulú, Política económico-financiera y la formación del estado: siglo XIX (Lima: Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo y la Participación [CEDEP], 1983), 68–75. The sources for the calculation of silver revenues are mentioned in note 6. Old Peruvian pesos were the national currency until 1863, soles from then until the end of the nineteenth century. See Deustua, “Mines, monnaie,” vol. 2, chap. 6, pp. 651-773.
Levin, Export Economies, esp. 4, 14-15, 47-48, 112-28, and 144-48; Hunt, Growth and Guano and “Guano y crecimiento.” See also William M. Mathew, “A Primitive Export Sector: Guano Production in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Peru,” Journal of Eatin American Studies 9:1 (1977); and, more recently, Cecilia Méndez, “La otra historia del guano: Perú 1840-1879,” Revista Andina (Cuzco) 5:9 (1987), 7-46. The guano economy was clearly more of an “external economy,” an economy with a predominant external dimension, or, in Levin’s phrase, an “enclave economy”—but less than Levin supposes. I agree with Hunt’s criticism of Levin’s work. The return value on guano was high, and the guano boom created an internal demand. Still, I hold that the impact of silver was greater.
Hunt, “Guano y crecimiento,” 46, 53.
On the trade between Cerro de Pasco and its regional hinterland at the end of the colonial period, see Magdalena Chocano, “Comercio en Cerro de Pasco a fines de la época colonial” (Master’s thesis [Tesis de historia], Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima, 1982); idem., “Circuitos mercantiles y auge minero en la sierra central a fines de la época colonial,” Allpanchis 18:21 (1983), 3–26. On the conformation of the internal market centering on the central sierra see Nelson Manrique, Mercado interno y región: la sierra central, 1820–1930 (Lima: CEDEP, 1987). See also Florencia E. Mallon, The Defense of Community in Peru’s Central Highlands: Peasant Struggle and Capitalist Transition, 1860-1940 (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1983).
On the impact of the railroad on the Peruvian economy and society in the nineteenth century, see Heraclio Bonilla, “El impacto de los ferrocarriles,” Historia y Cultura 5 (1972), 93-120; Rory Miller, “Railways and Economic Development in Central Peru, 1890-1930,” in Social and Economic Change in Modern Peru, ed. Rory Miller, Clifford T. Smith, and John R. Fisher (Liverpool: Centre for Latin American Studies, Univ. of Liverpool, 1976); also Carlos Contreras, “Mineros, arrieros, y ferrocarril en Cerro de Pasco, 1870-1904 “ HISLA 4 (1984). 3-20.
Informe de Dionicio de Viscarra a Hipólito Unanue, Ministro de Estado, Nov. 6, 1821, AGN, Serie Minería (hereafter SM) C-12, leg. 71, year 1821.
For corroboration of the Viscarra report, see, for example, AGN, SHMH, PL 330, year 1824, OL 163, caja 68, fols. 925-1155, year 1827, and OL 186, caja 117, fols. 652-61, year 1829. On the control of the mercaderes de plata and aviadores or habilitadores over the mining production in late colonial Peru see John R. Fisher, Minas y mineros, esp. 201-12; and Miguel Molina Martínez, El real tribunal de minería de Lima (1785-1821) (Seville; Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, 1986), esp. 267-71. On the Potosí case see Peter Bake-well, Antonio López de Quiroga: industrial minero del Potosí colonial (Potosí: Universidad Boliviana Tomás Frías, 1973); and Enrique Tandeter, Coacción y mercado, 155-61.
Decreto del 11 de junio de 1833 en Conciliador, tomo 4, no. 45, collectión tomo 4, p. 296. See Juan Crissóstomo Nieto and Mariano Santos de Quiroz, Colección de leyes, decretos, y órdenes publicadas en el Perú desde su independencia, (Lima, 1864), 716.
Comunicación de Francisco Quirós, Prefecto de Cerro de Pasco, al Señor Ministro de Hacienda, Apr. 1, 1833, AGN, SHMH, OL 224, fol. 1063, year 1833. The edict permitted merchants to purchase the silver metal in paste form and convert it into bars for transport to Lima.
Informe de José Abeleyra al Ministro de Hacienda, July-Dec. 1844, Archivo del Museo Nacional de Historia, Lima (hereafter AMNH), ms. 2082, year 1844. Abeleyra was a special envoy (visitador) from the Finance Ministry. Estimating 24,000 marcs per month as a constant rate, 268,000 marcs of silver were produced annually. The official return in 1844 was 274,602 marcs of silver, according to the sources mentioned in note 6.
Informe de José Abeleyra, 1844.
The merchants’ control over production process stems from several attempts by the mine owners to create “bancos de rescate,” official banks that would purchase the silver bars at better prices than those offered by the silver merchants. On this see AGN, SHMH, Pre-fectura de la Libertad, OL 163, caja 68, fols. 925-1155, year 1827; Proyectos sobre bancos de rescate y reforma de las oficinas públicas presentados por D. Juan Evangelista Irigoyen, ibid., OL 186, caja 117, fols. 652-61, year 1829; and ibid., Prefectura de la Libertad, OL 197, caja 137, fols. 1771-2175, year 1830. See also Carlos Camprubí, Bancos de rescate (1821-1832) (Lima, n.p., 1963).
Informe de José Abeleyra, 1844.
Informe de J. J. Salcedo, Prefecto de Cerro de Pasco, al Ministro de Hacienda, 1844, AMNH, ms. 2082, year 1844.
See Certificados por los ensayadores de la Casa de Moneda sobre recepción de plata para su amonedación, 1826, Biblioteca Nacional de Lima (hereafter BN), Sala de Investigaciones Bibliográficas, D. 901.
AGN, Sección Casa de Moneda (hereafter SCM), República, legs. 101, 102, 103, 104, CMR 00747, 00752-56, 00790-97, and 00830, year 1843. On the greatest mining boom in Cerro de Pasco, which took place between 1839 and 1844, see Hunt, Growth and Guano; Deustua, La minería peruana; and idem., “The Socavón de Quiulacocha and the Steam Engine Company: Technology and Capital Investment in Cerro de Pasco, 1820-1840,” in Region and Class in Modern Peruvian History, ed. Rory Miller (Liverpool: Institute of Latin American Studies, Univ. of Liverpool, 1987), 62.
Boletas de Genaro García Irigoyen, contador cajero de la Casa Nacional de Moneda, 1886, AGN, SCM, República, leg. 135.
El Peruano (Lima) 40:46, June 4, 1861.
Johann Jakob von Tschudi, Testimonio del Perú, 1838-1842 (Lima: Consejo Económico Consultivo Suiza-Perú, 1966), 269-70. I have consulted and used extensively this Spanish edition; see also the first edition in English, Travels in Peru During the Years 1838-1842 (London: David Bogue, 1847). The original, in German, was published in 1846. Tschudi traveled throughout Peru between Aug. 17, 1838, and Aug. 24, 1842. See the introduction to the Peruvian edition by Hermann Buse, pp. 11-36.
Informe de José Abeleyra, 1844.
Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias, 1:225-26, with the corrections that appear in Deustua, La minería peruana, 243-46. See also note 6.
AGN, SCM, República, leg. 92, year 1836.
On colonial and pre-Hispanic Canta and Obrajillo, see María Rostworowski, Señoríos indígenas de Lima y Canta (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1978).
See, for example, Ricardo Valderrama Fernández and Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez, “Arrieros, troperos, y Harneros en Huancavelica,” Allpanchis 18:21 (1983), 65—88. See also María Susana Cipolletti, “Llamas y mulas, trueque y venta: el testimonio de un arriero puneño,” Revista Andina 2:2 (1984), 513-38.
On the importance of Yauli see Archivo de la Dirección Regional de Minería de Huancayo, Huancayo (hereafter ADRMH), Registro Cívico del Distrito de Yauli, 1883, pp. 13-24, where from a total of 304 heads of family in the village, 68 were muleteers. For a recent study of premodern Andean commerce and transportation systems see Luis Miguel Glave Testino, Trajinantes: caminos indígenas en la sociedad colonial, siglos XVI-XVII (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989). See also Karen Spalding, “Kurakas and Commerce: A Chapter in the Evolution of Andean Society,” HAHR 53:4 (Nov. 1973), 581-99.
On these issues see Deustua, La minería peruana, 14-17, 181-87; idem., “Mines, monnaie,” 1:254-322, 345-61; Mallon, Defense of Community, 17, 20, 37, 72; Contreras, Mineros y campesinos, 42; Nelson Manrique, “Los arrieros de la sierra central durante el siglo XIX,” Allpanchis 18:21 (1983), 27-46; and indeed this entire issue of Allpanchis, whose theme is “arrieros y circuitos mercantiles andinos.” On the long Andean tradition of camelid herding see John V. Murra, “Rebaños y pastores en la economía del Tawantinsuyu” (1964), in Formaciones económicas y políticas del mundo andino (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1975), 117-44; Jorge A. Flores Ochoa, Los pastores de Paratía (Mexico City: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, 1968); and idem., ed., Pastores de Puna. Uywamichiq punarunakuna (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1977).
See, for example, AGN, SHMH, pl. 6, n. 72, year 1826, concerning coal coasting trade between Huacho and Lima.
Mr. Tudor, “Viaje a Cerro de Pasco, 1825,” in Relaciones de viajeros, ed. Estuardo Núñez, Colección documental de la independencia del Perú (Lima: Comisión Nacional del Sesquicentenario de la Independencia del Perú, 1971-) 27:4 (1973), 99-128. On the role of the Steam Engine Company in Cerro de Pasco during the 1820s and 1830s see Deustua, “Socavón de Quiulacocha.”
See AGN, SHMH, pl. 6, n. 318, year 1826.
Tschudi, Testitnonio del Perú, 261.
Ibid., 270. The comments in parentheses are Tschudi’s.
On the route’s significance see Mallon, Defense of Community, 45; and Manrique, Mercado interno y región, 61-64. See also BN, Sala de Investigaciones Bibliográficas, Manuscritos Republicanos, D 9371 and D 9372; and Deustua, “Mines, monnaie,” vol. 1, chap. 3, pp. 284-314.
The local parish of Tarma houses registros parroquiales from 1716 to contemporary times, including records on baptisms, marriages, deaths, and some tithe records; they are demographic rather than commercial sources. Research for this study made partial use of these materials but has not yet exhausted them. A local historian working with this material is Rafael Cárdenas. Another important historical source on the Tarma valley are the archives of the local notaries. Italo Gregorini’s, for example, has records on real estate and commercial transactions from 1860 to the present, as well as a few older ones. The British geographer and historian Fiona Wilson has used this kind of source in her extensive work on the social and economic evolution of the Tarma valley. See, for example, “The Dynamics of Change in an Andean Region: The Province of Tarma, Peru, in the Nineteenth Century” (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Liverpool, 1978); “Propiedad e ideología: estudio de una oligarquía en los Andes centrales (siglo XIX),” Análisis (Lima) 8-9 (1979), 36-54; The Conflict Between Indigenous and Immigrant Commercial Systems in the Peruvian Central Sierra, 1900-1940 (Copenhagen: Centre for Development Research, 1984); and Gender and Class in an Andean Town (Copenhagen: Centre for Development Research, 1985).
About the province of Tarma the prefect of Junín said in 1876: “Because of this province’s location and proximity to the national capital, it is the focus of this Department’s interests and the venue of the prefecture; its current state of progress is shaped by the important colonization process of Chanchamayo, which favors further advances and a promising future.” In reference to the Tarma roads the same report said, “All the roads have been repaired by the communities of the neighboring towns, and the one that connects Palca with Vitoc has been regraded; the three leagues of arduous uphill that must be traveled before gaining the upper part [hasta tomar la altura] is today not uncomfortable at all because there is no variation in the climb, making this road safe and easy on the uphill portion.” “Memoria que presenta el Prefecto de Junín, Coronel D. Manuel Reyes Santa María, al Señor Ministro de Gobierno, Policía, y Obras Públicas,” in Memoria que presenta al Congreso Ordinario de 1876 el Ministro de Gobierno, Policía, y Obras Públicas (Lima: Imprenta de El Comercio, 1876), 277. On the Tarma valley see again the works of Fiona Wilson previously cited. On the Mantaro valley see Olinda Celestino, La economía pastoral de las cofradías y el rol de la nobleza india: el Valle del Mantaro en el siglo XVIII (Bielefeld: Universität Bielefeld, 1981); idem., and Albert Meyers, Las cofradías en el Perú: región central (Frankfurt: Editionen der Ibero-Americana, 1981); Mallon, Defense of Community, and Nelson Manrique, El desarrollo del mercado interior en la sierra central, 1830-1910 (Lima: Universidad Nacional Agraria, 1979). This work is only a preliminary study; its extended and slightly different version is Mercado interno y región.
On de Paula Otero’s trades see his Remisión de botijas de aguardiente, in his Cuadernillo de cuentas pertenecientes a Francisco de Paula Otero, 1813, ed. Ella Dumbar Temple, Colección documental 5:1 (1971), 6-7.
Ibid., pp. 4-5.
AGN, SHMH, pl. 8, n. 203, year 1828.
Mallon, Defense of Community, Manrique, El desarrollo del mercado and Mercado interno y region; and Wilson, “Dynamics of Change,” “Propiedad e ideología,” Conflict Between Indigenous and Immigrant Commercial Systems, and Gender and Class.
See Stefano Varese, La sal de los cerros: una aproximación al mundo campa (Lima: Ediciones Retablo de Papel, 1973), esp. 167-228.
Wilson, “Propiedad e ideología,” 48.
Manrique, El desarrollo del mercado. On the trade of sugarcane liquor between Huancayo and Monobamba, Uchubamba, and Pariahuanca, see esp. Mercado interno y región, 116-17.
Based on arrobas of 25 pounds. The price of sugarcane liquor was on average 14 pesos per botija between 1855 and 1869. See Wilson, “Propiedad e ideología,” 46. On the prices and quantity of silver produced in Cerro de Pasco see Deustua, La minería peruana, esp. 41-45 and 243-46; and also the sources in note 6.
One of the few primary sources found on the coca trade with mining centers is “Ingreso de bienes a la cantina de la mina San Francisco de Paula,” Libro de gastos de la mina San Francisco de Paula, Cerro de Pasco, May 3, 1895, Archivo del Fuero Agrario, Lima, serie Algolán, ALG 196. This, however, is a late reference for the time period of this study. On coca production and trade in a different period, see Ruggiero Romano, “Problemi della coca nel Peru del secolo XX,” Nova Americana (Turin) 4 (1981), 67-106; and Roderick E. Burchard, “Coca y trueque de alimentos,” in Reciprocidad e intercambio en los Andes peruanos, ed. Giorgio Alberti and Enrique Mayer (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1974), 209-51.
Tschudi, Testimonio del Perú, 261-62.
Archibald Smith, Peru As It Is: A Residence in Lima, and Other Parts of the Peruvian Republic, Comprising an Account of the Social and Physical Features of That Country (London: printed by Samuel Bentley, 1839), 9-10.
Tschudi, Testimonio del Perú, 237.
The list of travelers who visited the mining center of Cerro de Pasco or made comments and observations on mining production in nineteenth-century Peru is very long. The reader may also consult Edmond Temple, Travels in Various Parts of Peru, including a year’s residence in Potosí, 2 vols. (London: H. Colburn and R. Bentley, 1830); William Smyth and Frederick Lowe, Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para: across the Andes and down the Amazon (London: n.p., 1836); Karl Scherzer, “Visita al Perú en 1859,” in Viajeros alemanes al Perú, ed. Estuardo Núñez (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1979); and Friedrich Gerstäcker, Viaje por el Perú (in German, Berlin: Von Dietrich Theden, 1862; reprint, Lima: Biblioteca Nacional, 1973). Specifically on French travelers, see Pablo Macera, La imagen francesa del Perú (siglos XVI-XIX) (Lima: Instituto Nacional de Cultura, 1976), esp. 97-159. For a very good selection and evaluation of the perspectives and the documentary role of travelers in Peru from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, see Estuardo Núñez, ed., El Perú visto por viajeros, 2 vols. (Lima: Ediciones PEISA, 1973). Núñez has dedicated most of his life to studying viajeros. See also his more recent Viajes y viajeros extranjeros por el Perú: apuntes documentales con algunos desarrollos histórico-biográficos (Lima: Talleres Gráficos P. L. Villanueva, 1989).
Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias 1:182-224.
The best example among the women travelers in nineteenth-century Peru was the French-Peruvian social and feminist writer Flora Tristan. See, for example, her Peregrinaciones de una paria, 2 vols. (in French, Paris: Editions Arthus Bertrand, 1838; Spanish ed., Lima: Editorial Cultura Antártica, 1946).
Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias, 1:184. One vara equals 33 inches, or 83.82 centimeters.
Manrique, El desarrollo del mercado, 23. See also José María Arguedas, “Estudio etnográfico de la feria de Huancayo,” and “Evolución de las comunidades campesinas, el valle del Mantaro y la ciudad de Huancayo: un caso de fusión de culturas no comprometidas por acción de las instituciones de origen colonial,” in Arguedas, Dos estudios sobre Huancayo (Huancayo: Universidad Nacional del Centro, 1977-78).
Recurso del minero José Manuel Días Rojas al Tribunal General de Minería May 7 1832, AGN, SM C-12, leg. 76.
John Hyslop, The Inka Road System (Orlando: Academic Press, 1984).
Rivero y Ustáriz, Colección de memorias, 1:185. Yauricocha or “el cerro de Yauricocha” is the original Quechua name of Cerro de Pasco. It originated in pre-Columbian times and was widely used during the colonial and early national eras. But during my field trips from 1981 to 1983, I constantly asked mine workers and area residents about the name. Almost nobody could identify Yauricocha with today’s city of Cerro de Pasco.
Ibid., 1:186. Ocas, ullucos (or ollucos), and macas are original, pre-Hispanic Indian tuber crops still grown extensively today in Andean peasant areas surrounding Cerro de Pasco. The maca, however, is slowly disappearing. See Santiago E. Antúnez de Mayolo R., La alimentación en el Tawantinsuyu,” in Etnohistoria y antropología andina, ed. Marcia Koth de Paredes and Amalia Castelli (Lima: Museo Nacional de Historia, 1978), 277–98.
On Huánuco and the Huallaga valley in the nineteenth century see José Varallanos, Historia de Huánuco: introducción para el estudio de la vida social de una región del Perú, desde la era prehistórica a nuestros días (Buenos Aires: Imprenta López, 1959); César Pérez Arauco, Cerro de Pasco: historia del pueblo mártir del Perú, siglos XVI, XVII, XVIII, y XIX (Cerro de Pasco: Ediciones de El Pueblo, 1980); Heraclio Bonilla, “Clases populares y estado en el contexto de la crisis colonial,” in La independencia en el Perú, 2d ed., ed. Bonilla (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1981), 13-69; and Christine Hunefeldt, Lucha por la tierra y protesta indígena. Las comunidades indígenas del Perú entre colonia y república, 1800-1830 (Bonn: Bonner Amerikanische Studien, 1982). The last two references deal with these locales especially during the revolt of 1812.
Antonio Raimondi, El Perú, 6 vols. (Lima: Sociedad Geográfica de Lima/Imprenta del Estado, 1874-1913; facsimile ed., Lima: Editores Técnicos Asociados, 1965-66). All references to Raimondi are from this, his magnum opus, esp. 1:269-85, 4:444-88, and 5:33-35. The earlier edition includes contributions by José Toribio Balta y Montero (vol. 4) and Carlos Ismael Lisson (vol. 6). Other editions in one volume include Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre, 1929, and Escuela Tipográfica Salesiana, 1940. Raimondi arrived in Peru in 1850 and died in San Pedro de Lloc in 1890. His 61 manuscript notebooks describing his trips and scientific research were published by the Sociedad Geográfica de Lima beginning in the 1870s. See Tomás Santillana Cantelas, “Los viajes de Raimondi” and “Semblanza de Raimondi,” in Atlas del Perú, ed. Carlos Peñaherrera del Aguila (Lima: Ministerio de Defensa/Instituto Geográfico Nacional, 1989), 53-55.
Raimondi, El Perú, 5:34.
Ibid., 4:444-88. See also Wilson, “Dynamics of Change”; Mallon, Defense of Community, 59-60; and Manrique, Mercado interno y región, 113-14.
Raimondi, El Perú, 1:270.
The disappearance of the name Huaypacha is yet another symptom of the loss of Quechua names and the Quechua language in general in describing mining sites. This phenomenon certainly has to do with the mining boom of the late nineteenth century; it brought new and larger populations to the area, as well as foreign enterprises, managers, and technicians. See Mallon, Defense of Community, 168-243; Deustua, “Mines, monnaie,” 2:532-87; Víctor Caballero Martín, Imperialismo y campesinado en la sierra central (Huancayo: Instituto de Estudios Andinos, 1981); and Alfredo Torero, El quechua y la historia social andina (Lima: Universidad Ricardo Palma, 1974).
Guinea pigs in the Andes (the cuy, plural cuyes) are a very important economic resource, raised in peasant homes and fundamental to the Andean diet.
The salt mine of San Bias was owned by the peasant community of Ondores until 1887, when local investors acquired it. See the entry “Amparo, Yauli, Marso cinco de 1887 . . . ,” Tomas de razón [record books] de Amparo de Minas, ADRMH, years 1885–1887, ff. 30-30v.
Raimondi, El Perú, 1:273.
Around 1840 Tschudi stated that once on the route from San Mateo to Yauli, “I had to stay for more than two hours on a narrow promontory to let some two hundred mules pass by. Testimonio del Perú, 222. Twenty-seven years later, Raimondi reported that between Huaypacha and Junín “the road that connects one place with the other is hardly traversed.” El Perú, 1:270.
Germán Stiglich, Diccionario geográfico del Perú, 2d ed. (Lima: Imprenta Torres Aguirre [1st ed. 1908-11], 1917-22), 2:246.
The first railroad in Peru was built between 1850 and 1851 and linked the capital, Lima, with its port, Callao. The rail system that connected Callao and Lima with the central sierra mines started construction in 1869 and reached Chicla in 1875, Oroya in 1893, and Cerro de Pasco only in 1904. See Federico Costa y Laurent, Reseña histórica de los ferrocarriles del Perú (Lima: Litografía y Tipografía Carlos Fabbri, 1908); and Alberto Regal, Historia de los ferrocarriles de Lima (Lima: Instituto de Vías de Transporte, Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería, 1965). See also note 17.
Chocano, “Comercio en Cerro de Pasco”; idem., “Circuitos mercantiles,” esp. table 1, p. 23. The base year 1819 was chosen to show these numbers, although where 1819 data were unavailable data from other other years were used to show the amount of trade with Cerro de Pasco. Averages of yearly trade could have been used, but that would have taken the comparison too far back into colonial times.
El Comercio (Lima), Aug. 10, 1849, cited in Contreras, Mineros y campesinos, 41, n. 18. This information permits Contreras to argue for the “regional autonomy” of the Cerro de Pasco trade system. For an argument in defense of a larger influence of the Lima trade on Cerro de Pasco, especially on the clothing and textile sector, see Chocano, “Comercio en Cerro de Pasco” and “Circuitos mercantiles.” For a broader view of the central sierra’s internal market and its commercial relations see Manrique, Mercado interno y región; and Mallon, Defense of Community.
According to Deustua, La minería peruana, 244.
The miners often complained about their lack of cash. In 1835, for example, Cerro de Pasco’s local deputy of mines grumbled about “the complete lack of money to do the most indispensable works.” Similar testimonies appear in other years. See Comunicación de la Diputación de Minas de Cerro de Pasco con el Prefecto del Departamento, Aug. 12, 1835, Archivo de la Dirección Regional de Minería del Cerro de Pasco, Correspondencia, Libro copiador de notas de 1832 a 1835, f. 109v. See also ff. 50-50v, 106v, and 111v-12.