Guerrilla movements in Latin America will continue to exist as long as socioeconomic and political conditions are perceived as unequitable by certain segments of the population. Peru’s highly fractionalized society has spawned a variety of insurrections and several notable theoreticians, including José Carlos Mariátegui (1895-1930). The revolution envisioned by Mariátegui would transform Peru by empowering the Indians through the application of Marxist principles. Approximately a half century later, a new political philosopher emerged offering a revitalization of Mariátegui’s thought by the augmentation of Maoism along with effective, practical strategies for achieving converts. This “Fourth Sword of Marxism” is Abimael Guzmán, or Presidente Gonzalo, an Arequipa-educated philosopher and lawyer and the founder of Sendero Luminoso.
Gabriela Tarazona-Sevillano, a lawyer from Trujillo, provides a descriptive account of the rise and evolution of Sendero Luminoso. Based largely on Peruvian journalists’ accounts, this slim volume’s major contribution is the discussion of the judicial system. From the state’s lack of legislation to treat terrorism differently from common criminal activities to the implementation of special legislation enabling the government to increase efforts to eliminate Sendero Luminoso, Tarazona-Sevillano provides various insights into the collapse of judicial administration. While the government’s tactics led to mass arrests and incarcerations, the magistrates lacked the personal protection and training to handle terrorist cases effectively. Too little scholarly attention has been paid to the absence of judicial independence and to the judiciary’s highly ineffective and corrupt practices. Tarazona-Sevillano’s insights suggest the need for better studies linking legislative and executive branch actions with the concerns of the judiciary.
In a final section on narcoterrorism of the Upper Huallaga Valley, the author argues that the administrative and territorial disagreements between the police and the military will inhibit reestablishing government control over this vast area of coca production. Sendero Luminoso s support and protection of growers strengthens the movement through capital infusions and new recruits. Between the narcotraficantes’ substantial bribes and the well-armed Sendero Luminoso forces, Peruvian military and police forces, though augmented by U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency advisors, stand little chance of controlling social and political unrest.
The scarcity of printed primary sources and limited interviews granted by the movement’s underground leadership make Sendero Luminoso particularly difficult to analyze and document satisfactorily. Gustavo Gorriti’s forthcoming history of the insurrection based on extensive fieldwork and classified government documents, sources largely absent from this work, promises such an assessment.
