Kryzanek and Wiarda “aim to demonstrate both Dominican dependence on and interdependence with the external forces that wash over [the Dominican Republic’s] shores” (p. xi). Their demonstration draws on extensive prior research and recent study. History is surveyed in two chapters, followed by treatment of contemporary politics, economy, society, and international relations. Most welcome is discussion of the administrations of Antonio Guzmán (1978-82) and Salvador Jorge Blanco (1982-86). The deepening national crisis under their ineffective moderate reformism helps explain the election of conservative octogenarian Juan Balaguer in 1986 and the resurgence of aging leftist Juan Bosch.
The rhetoric and limited reality of “democracy” should be central to the authors, but their use of the term is confused. Sometimes they seem unaware that elites often use “democracy” to manipulate and coopt the middle and lower classes. Kryzanek and Wiarda also fail to utilize John Peeler’s persuasive argument, in Latin American Democracies, that what is uncritically called “democracy” is really a liberal political system legitimized by the appearance of democracy.
Actually, Kryzanek and Wiarda present much evidence that demonstrates the undemocratic nature of the Dominican Republic, even during times of so-called “democracy.” They describe U.S. opposition to the democratic “constitutionalist” forces of 1965, the chronic misery and fatalism of campesinos, the powerlessness of urban workers, the brutal exploitation of Haitian immigrants, and the repressiveness of security forces. To stretch “democracy” to cover such occurrences, the authors use such euphemisms as “authoritarian democracy” (p. 86). Critically conceived, the theme of “democracy” might have served the authors’ purpose well, but their superficial use of the term nullified that possibility. The book is still worth reading for the views of two experienced scholars, for its interesting recent data, and for its insight into the massive, worsening crisis of the Caribbean.
