This volume, the sixth in the series, continues the authors’ study of Uruguay’s economic history. This time they focus on the years 1913-16. As in their previous volumes, they also devote considerable attention to Uruguay’s internal political situation. They do this because the political rivalry between the two dominant parties, the Colorados and the Blancos (later the Nationalists), mirrored the divergent economic interests of the urban (largely Montevidean and Colorado) and rural (primarily the large cattle ranching and Blanco) elements of the country.
During the years under study, the Colorado party dominated the political arena and largely reflected the reformist views of José Batlle y Ordóñez, president from 1903 to 1907 and again from 1911 to 1915, and a powerful force in Uruguay throughout his life.
To Barrán and Nahum, the years under scrutiny brought Batlle’s reformist program to its apex and, at the same time, foreshadowed its decline. As prime examples of their contention they cite two laws promulgated during those years. The first, the establishment of the eight-hour working day, affected urban (Montevidean) workers, traditionally mainstays of the Colorado party and enthusiastic backers of Batlle’s reforms. Unfortunately, the law went into effect at a time of ever-increasing unemployment, so that its intended “spread-the-work” effect was largely nullified. Moreover, with the onset of World War I, the transport of staple goods from abroad was virtually halted, and prices for them skyrocketed. Understandably, worker adherence to Batlle, his party, and his reform program diminished considerably.
The second law, the so-called impuestos a los ricos, sought to raise property taxes on rural landholdings, to bring them more in line with those paid by Montevideans. Although the legislation that was finally passed was less onerous than originally conceived, it nevertheless served to heighten the ranchers’ traditional animosity toward their Montevidean political rivals.
The two examples given above highlight the authors’ contention that the events of the years under investigation weakened the power base of those who had euphorically welcomed Batlle’s return to the presidency and increased the strength of the opposition. As in their previous volumes, Barrán and Nahum used an impressive array of primary sources, and used them judiciously. Overall, the student of Uruguayan history will be well served in reading this book, along with the others these two authors have written.
