This is a welcome addition to the growing historiography exploring the regional variants of colonial Mexican society. The temperate lowlands of colonial Morelos proved to be unique among the sugar-growing regions of the New World. The native Indian communities, like Yautepec and Cuautla, survived the growth of the sugar industry and remained vital entities well past the end of the colonial era. Martin depends primarily on the AGN ramos of Tierras and Hospital de Jesús, along with a deft use of parish registers, to uncover the complicated interaction of sugar haciendas, Indian pueblos, and non-Indian ranchos in the Morelos countryside.

After a period of weak, incipient development (conquest to 1580), Martin finds a clear cycle of expansion (1580-1650, 1760-1810) and contraction (1650-1760) in the sugar industry. The chief factors behind the initial development were the emergence of Mexico City as a market and source of capital, rising sugar prices, ready Portuguese sources of African slaves, and the availability of fertile land cleared for Spanish occupation by a decline of the Indian population and the congregación program of 1603-1605. The crisis, decline, and even bankruptcy of sugar estates in the next period resulted from the permanent and heavy burden of debt incurred in their initial establishment, declining sugar prices, tightening sources of credit, deterioration of physical plants, and natural catastrophes. The recovery of the late colonial period was part of the general colonywide prosperity which expanded markets, raised sugar prices, and made credit available. The colonial economic cycle continued after 1810 with a postindependence contraction until 1880 and the subsequent process of capitalization and expansion that culminated in the Zapatista rebellion.

In analyzing this economic structural progression, Martin reveals the intricacy of social developments in colonial Morelos. Some patterns have been observed for other localities, while others are unique to Morelos. Spaniards pieced together their rural estates with units of land acquired through direct grant, proxy, purchase, and rental. There was little conflict over natural resources until the late colonial period. In fact, the Indian communities used the resettlement program to improve the quality and quantity of their lands. A substantial portion of their corporate revenues was derived from the rental of surplus lands. Ranchos operated by non-Indians, often on land rented from the Indians or haciendas, flourished in this environment until after 1750 when they were squeezed out by rising land values. Hacienda owners were not powerful enough to seriously threaten the economic viability of the Indian communities, but their efforts did create a higher incidence of land and water suits and of violent confrontations. Over the long run, the haciendas became residential centers for populations that tended to take on a mulatto character. The Indian communities developed what might be called dual personalities. In each, a core of biological and cultural Indians, with a high rate of endogamy, shared its locality with a majority of non-Indian residents.

Space does not allow me to detail the full richness of this book. I appreciated the insight and clarity with which it is written. The only point with which I would disagree is the suggestion that a Spanish town government might have attenuated the conflict over land and water in the late colonial period. My experience with another region of colonial Mexico leads me to believe the inhabitants of Morelos were better off without one.