This is the second of two volumes by the same editors, the result of papers presented on political participation in Latin America at a conference held at the University of Texas, San Antonio, in 1976. The first volume, subtitled “Citizen and State,” contained a wide range of papers covering many topics and countries, as well as a theoretical chapter by the editors, outlining their particular approach to the general subject. Volume II probably should be read in conjunction with Volume I, although most of the papers it contains can stand by themselves.
The editors argue in the introductory chapters for both volumes that, contrary to the widespread assumption, participation is not necessarily a destablizing influence in Latin American politics, that it is more common than believed by those who restrict their analyses to participation in formal governmental institutions. Such studies undervalue the extent and importance of political participation of the poor in contexts other than national politics, an error made, they argue, because “many researchers share an elitist bias that keeps them from understanding the nature of political participation among the poor” (p. 5). Seligson and Booth contend in this volume that, unlike political participation amongelites and the mobilized middle sectors, communal activism and political participation among the poor “increase the stock of public goods and enhance institutionalization rather than depleting it” (p. 7), and may contribute materially to developmental progress. But do the studies included in this volume, which range in data and method from survey research and quantitative analysis to personal observation and impressionistic analysis, bear them out?
The editors own study comparing participation of peasants and city dwellers in Costa Rica seems to support the contention. John T. Fishel’s chapter on participation in a Peruvian highland district (Mancos) also tends to support the hypothesis, reassuring us, at the very least, that participation in poor mountain villages in Peru is not irrelevant” (p. 61). Unfortunately, most of the chapters are so diverse and limited in their subject matter that general conclusions are difficult to draw. They range from a comparison of female participation in two Andean communities (Mayobamba and Chiuchín in Peru) that uses essentially anthropological methods, to a consideration of participation within the Mexican working class. The latter study, by Howard Handelman, uses data from well-known survey research studies by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, a study by Joseph Kahl, as well as the author’s own 1973 study of 150 blue- and white-collar electrical workers employed by Mexico’s government-owned electric power industry.
Although the editors briefly summarize the subsequent chapters in their introduction, there is no concluding chapter in the collection, and, indeed, to write one would have been a formidable task. The common thread seems to be that if you look for political participation among the poor in Latin America, you will find it; and when you find it, it probably has some importance.
