I experienced ambiguous feelings in my review of these two volumes, because workmanship and interpretive qualities vary widely from essay to essay. Even a comprehensive review of these two books is a problem, because they contain twenty-two essays authored by sociologists, linguists, historians, geographers, economists, anthropologists, psychiatrists, psychologists, and demographers. Rather than trying to pass judgment on each article, I rotated my review around a central question: which essays are most useful for historians of Haitian history?
For scholars interested in recent Haitian history, Richard Schaedel’s “Concept of Community Development in Haiti and Venezuela” (Haitian Potential), Pnina Lahav’s “Chef de Section” (Working Papers), and Monique Garrity’s “Case Study of Reynolds’ Haitian Mines” (Working Papers) shed new light. According to Schaedel, “Papa Doc” took control of community projects and hurt chances of socioeconomic improvements, because he viewed them as threats to his dictatorship. Lahav appraises the duties of the chef de section, the basic element of governmental authority in rural areas. Before Duvalier’s rise to power, commandants usually appointed chefs de section; but once in power, “Papa Doc” made these selections himself. This corroborates other evidence of Duvalier’s control over isolated rural districts. Business imperialism is the subject of Garrity’s essay. Garrity criticizes Reynolds’ role in Haiti, especially the corporation’s misuse of scarce Haitian land.
Albert Valdmaris “The Language Situation in Haiti” (Haitian Potential), Kleber Vielot’s “Primary Education in Haiti” (Haitian Potential), and Gerald Murray’s and María Alvarez’s “Haitian Bean Circuits” (Working Papers) should attract cultural historians. Valdman evaluates the numerous Creole dialects spoken in Haiti, varying from least French varieties in remote areas to a nearest French variety in Port-au-Prince. Currently there is no standardization of Creole and only the Port-au-Prince dialect could gain public acceptance because even Haitian peasants prefer French. Valdmaris finest contribution is his etymological analysis of Creole. The basis of Creole was a lingua franca which French sailors spoke and spread around the world from Mauritus to Saint-Domingue. Not until the end of the seventeenth century did slaves arrive in Saint-Domingue in large enough numbers to cause present-day Haitian Creole to emerge with its French-African characteristics.
French cultural attitudes have influenced Haitian education. While tracing the historic development of Haitian education, Vielot argues that French preferences for traditional academics and scorn for manual labor have done Haitians a disservice. Murray and Alvarez indicate that Haitian rural economics may not be as subsistent as historians and economists currently believe. They underline the role of the madâm sara as a rural entreprenuer. The authors, however, could have improved this article by identifying the historic origins of this budding capitalism.
Two other articles, Elizabeth Saxe’s “Creole Succession” (Working Papers) and Max Dorsinville’s “Haiti and Its Institutions” (Haitian Potential), contain important historical information. Saxe traces the economic fortunes of three Saint-Domingue plantations and their owners from 1687 to 1803. Basically she enlightens the reader on economic relations between metropolis and colony and on the “Sugar Revolution” in Saint-Domingue. Saxe does not analyze the effects of economic vicissitudes upon planter attitudes toward slavery. Dorsinville evaluates constitutionalism in Haitian history since independence. Though one might quibble with some of his statements, his central thesis is convincingly presented. That is, Haitian disregard for consitutional restraints caused the black republic to deteriorate politically.
While several other articles have merit, the eight articles reviewed here will be of especial interest to historians.