Immediately after the Treaty of Paris (1763) transferred the Floridas from Spain to Great Britain, an unusual migration of loyal Indian converts took place. The entire Spanish Florida population of about 3,700 persons was moved to Havana, Campeche, and Veracruz, leaving an almost empty province which had been tenuously held for two centuries. The Indian removal had no far-reaching consequences, yet it demonstrated both a Spanish sense of responsibility for Indian converts and a measure of success on the part of the missionary-priests among the primitive Florida tribes. It also provides an example of the detailed regulations Spanish officials regarded as necessary for transforming mission Indians into self-sufficient and law-abiding citizens.

On September 3, 1763, more than 600 persons, military and civilian, sailed from San Miguel de Pensacola for Veracruz. Another 65 persons sailed from San Marcos de Apalache1 to Havana the following February.2 Accompanying those bound for Havana were 89 Yamasees from St. Augustine and five Apalaches. Forty families of Yamasee Apalachinos from the villages of Escambe and Punta Rosa3 accompanied those who left for Veracruz along with Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla and the Pensacola garrison.4 These Indians left Florida at their own request.

Other movements of Indians had taken place in the Spanish colonies, but these usually involved Indians of a relatively high cultural development. Such movements had been arranged by Spanish officials to help populate and defend frontier communities. The Florida Indians knew a little agriculture, but they also depended on hunting and gathering. Their removal was not for the convenience of Spaniards, but to accommodate Indians whose loyalty had been won by Franciscan missionaries. Although the Florida Indians were more of a liability than an asset, the viceroy of New Spain and other officials treated them with consideration, and tried conscientiously to help them become useful and well-behaved citizens.

The Pensacola Indians spent their first fifteen months in the port city of Veracruz. From there the Yamasee Apalachinos moved to Old Veracruz (La Antigua or Antigua Veracruz)5 in mid-January, 1765. Old Veracruz served them as a base of operations and reconnaissance for their future settlement in Tempoala, an area only two and one-half leagues from La Antigua. After less than a month in Antigua Veracruz, in February, 1765, the Yamasee Apalachinos moved to Tempoala.6

In Tempoala a planned Indian village called San Carlos was established on uncultivated lands near the shores of the Chachalacas River, about seven leagues from the port of Veracruz. The Indian pueblo was constructed around a typical Spanish square with the church situated on the north and the government building located on the south of the plaza. Wooden dwellings for the Florida natives were erected east and west as well as north of the village square. Forests and timber land surrounded San Carlos except south of the town where the Río de Chachalacas flowed to the sea ; Indian canoes could navigate the Chachalacas River.7

The total Indian population at San Carlos included seventeen men, sixteen women, three boys, and eleven girls. Only forty-seven Yamasee Apalachinos thus remained alive of the more than one hundred8 who voluntarily accompanied the Pensacola Floridians to Veracruz. Of forty families who abandoned Florida on September 3, 1763, only twenty-two survived the sea and land trip from Pensacola to San Carlos.9

Several Spanish soldiers from the Pensacola presidio accompanied the Indians to the San Carlos settlement. Since these creole soldiers were married to Yamasees or wished to wed Indian women, they requested permission to reside in the new community. Twelve Florida creoles and their wives were therefore initially included in the San Carlos population statistics; the final disposition of these people was discussed but not conclusively decided by 1770. The settlement of San Carlos was thus composed of fifty-nine persons.10

Lieutenant Amoscotigue was ordered to take charge of the Yamasee Apalachinos by the former governor of Pensacola, Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla, and the viceroy of New Spain, the Marqués de Cruillas.11 He was to guide, guard, and assist the new community during the period of its organization and construction. He was entitled Guardian and Protector of the Christian Indians of Pensacola.12

With the viceroy’s approval, Amoscotigue established San Carlos under a set of eleven safeguarding regulations. His instructions were to be binding and punctually observed by all of the officials of the town. Gobernadores, mayores, and regidores of the village were required to endorse the regulations and enforce their continued execution. The eleven laws were applicable without exception to all citizens of the settlement after approval was conferred by king and viceroy.13

Initially the community was alerted to prepare for future military service with the royal garrison at Antigua Veracruz. All Indians capable of fighting were ordered to remain ready to defend Old Veracruz and the nearby Atlantic seaboard. In the event of a call to arms, all male residents of San Carlos were expected to join the royal colonial forces, except that one or two of the oldest men would be allowed to remain in the settlement to protect the women and children. The Yamasees were also advised that they should support the military efforts of Antigua Veracruz with rapidity and without repugnance.14

According to Lieutenant Amoscotigue’s regulations foreigners and strangers were forbidden to enter the Indian colony. If any foreigners or strangers were observed in the vicinity of San Carlos, near the Chachalacas River, or along the Barlovento Road, the Indians had instructions to apprehend them; those interlopers would then be examined by the royal authorities of Old Veracruz. If the number of the intruders precluded the possibility of arrest, an Indian courier was to report the situation to the magistrates of Veracruz. The community was also commanded to prohibit deserters or immoral and undesirable persons from entering the colony. Arrest and delivery to La Antigua were also prescribed for all such people discovered in the neighborhood of San Carlos.15

Lieutenant Amoscotigue was explicit concerning the program of cleanliness that he intended the Indians to follow in their new settlement.18 He demanded that the church, plaza, and streets be kept clean and uncluttered. According to the fifth bylaw, the Yamasee Apalachinos were to clean the interior of the church every fifteen days before the priest from nearby Veracruz arrived to celebrate Mass; in the process of cleaning, all ornaments were to be removed from the church building. Amoscotigue wanted the religious objects to benefit from the sun and fresh air after being wiped clean of dirt, dust, and insect deposits.

The Guardian and Protector of the Pensacola Indians even regulated marital and social relations at San Carlos. Marriages between members of the community and outsiders would be permitted only if the betrothed couples agreed to dwell in San Carlos after the marriage ceremonies were concluded, in order to prevent losses of population.17

Both secular and ecclesiastical authorities of San Carlos were exhorted to enforce the marriage law as well as other injunctions against malas amistades (illicit relations) between men and women of the colony. Sexual transgressions were to be punished. If a warning did not restrain the sexual appetite of a guilty Indian on the first occasion, then stocks were to be employed after the second conviction. Arrest, incarceration, and delivery to Old Veracruz followed the third offense; the judges of La Antigua were authorized to determine the punishment for fornication.18

The seventh bylaw concerning sexual crimes was later amended by a Mexico City judge under the authority of Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas and his successor Viceroy Marqués de Croix.19 As a consequence of one of the changes in article VII, second offenders would be sentenced to jail and two or three days of labor. An amendment regarding adultery was also added to this section of the laws. When a married woman was convicted of adultery, the sentence was to be carried out in secrecy so the husband would remain ignorant of her indiscretion. Adulterers were to be punished prudently and inconspicuously in order to avoid the abasement of their marriages.20

Instructions for the financial operation of the settlement were also clear and concise. Communal fields were to be planted and cultivated to produce marketable products. Profits from the sale of communal farm goods would be added to the other earnings of the town and placed in a money chest, which could be opened only by three different keys. The governor, mayor, and one regidor of San Carlos each held a key to the depository. An account book of the deposits, expenditures, and withdrawals of the Yamasee colony was required to be accessible for review and reference. Entries in the register would include the date and reason of the deposit or withdrawal.21

A later amendment to the latter article indicated that only “common funds” required accounting in the town records. Extraordinary community expenses, however, required approval from Antigua Veracruz. In conclusion, the amendment to article VIII stated in strong terms that under no circumstances could communal real estate be alienated. The eighth section actually asserted that none of the communal property or funds could be confiscated without official permission. Amoscotigue naturally hoped that the settlement’s savings would be utilized only for the construction of a church and public buildings and for emergencies.22

Lieutenant Amoscotigue’s detailed plan also determined the protocol for administration of the local government and elections. One day in December was designated for the election of the town mayor and regidores, whose names would have to be sent to the alcalde mayor of Old Veracruz for ultimate ratification. In an effort to guarantee conscientious and efficient government at San Carlos, local officials were ordered to present an annual report in December which would relate the political and socio-economic history of the past year. On the basis of that yearly account the viceroy would determine whether the incumbent governor deserved to continue in the appointed office.23

Subsequent changes in the code of laws made the governorship elective, and the governor and the visiting priest from Old Veracruz were charged with the responsibility of supervising the annual elections. Another amendment to article X provided that town officials were ineligible for re-election for two years after the completion of a one-year term of office.24

After the viceroy approved the amended rules of government for San Carlos in March, 1765, true copies of the code were deposited in the archives of Old Veracruz and in the village chest of San Carlos. The chief mayor of La Antigua was then obliged to enforce the laws and to inaugurate measures for the eventual regimentation of San Carlos so it would conform to the political and socio-economic pattern of other Indian towns in the realm.25 Lieutenant Amoscotigue thus organized a semi-independent community for the Pensacola Indians. Final authority resided in Veracruz and Mexico City, but local administration was generally under the management of annually elected Indian officials.

Within a year of the founding of San Carlos, the Pensacola Indians were in financial difficulties. Their troubles actually began soon after they arrived in Veracruz, when José de Rivera, a Spanish merchant from Pensacola, absconded with their possessions. More than six months passed before a search was made for the Spanish merchant and the missing valuables. After an eight-month investigation Lieutenant Amoscotigue retrieved the monetary equivalent of the pilfered property, but most of the recovered funds were spent on the construction of the San Carlos church. Another blow fell when the Indians’ per diem assistance was abruptly discontinued in 1766.26

The Yamasee Apalachinos had not anticipated that they would be required to bear the financial burden of a parish priest because Governor Ortiz Parrilla originally promised them immunity from such expenses. But Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas ruled that the former governor of Pensacola only exempted them from parochial obligations until their lands became productive; Viceroy Marqués de Croix subsequently concurred with his predecessor’s interpretation.27 The Indian exiles were exasperated when their money was spent to pay for the construction of the church without their permission, and especially because expensive Spanish labor and building materials were employed. The Indians declared that they could have constructed the parish church inexpensively from materials found in the surrounding forests. After the church was completed, they had less than 400 pesos left in their community treasury.28

The Indian inhabitants of San Carlos were further angered by the discontinuation of the daily one and one-half reales per person stipends. Some actually talked of returning to Florida. This financial assistance was terminated in February, 1766, following the second poor harvest at San Carlos, a most inopportune time. The first crops had been harvested in November, 1765, but were insufficient to support the population throughout the following year. In 1766 corn production was again inadequate.29

The economic situation at San Carlos was apparently aggravated by the Indians’ indifferent cultivation of the communal fields. According to the alcalde mayor of Old Veracruz the Yamasee Apalachinos were attentive only to their own farm lands. Although communal plots were planted in 1766, the crops were neglected and eventually eaten by parrots and pigs. The Indian community, which the alcalde mayor accused of lacking ambition to work, thus lost an important source of food and revenue.30

Viceroy Marqués de Croix conceded the Pensacola émigrés the privilege of hunting deer, wild boars, and other animales volátiles, with a stern warning that this unusual right would be rescinded if the neighboring ranches were damaged or suffered any property losses.31

Religious problems also perplexed the new Indian community. Initially, only visiting clergymen were available to say Mass and perform baptism and marriage ceremonies. Their previous spiritual father, the Franciscan priest of Pensacola, went to Havana in 1763 and was not reassigned to the Yamasees in New Spain.32 Throughout the first few years of the colony’s existence the Indians petitioned unsuccessfully for a resident priest. Instead, the curate of Antigua Veracruz, Ignacio Sánchez de Mora, served them without remuneration during their residence in New and Old Veracruz. He also administered the sacraments as visiting chaplain to San Carlos when the community was unable to obtain the services of a permanent priest. A Franciscan, Fray Francisco de Quintana, assisted the Indians before they moved to Tempoala, but declined to accept the religious responsibilities of the new settlement. He explained, “My poor health does not permit me to endure the rigors of life in that town.” When another Veracruz cleric, Nicolás Pérez de Alvarado, was ordered by the bishop of Puebla to assume the ecclesiastical obligations of San Carlos in April, 1766, he refused to perform his parish duties unless the regular fees were paid; Father Pérez would only answer a summons to San Carlos for sickness or death.33

When the recently appointed priest resigned his assignment in Tempoala in the summer of 1766 the viceroy requested the bishop of Puebla to add the Indian town to the diocese of Antigua Veracruz. The bishop replied in September that the royal authorities in Mexico City should supply the Yamasee Apalachinos with sufficient funds for parochial expenses. In his letter to the viceroy, however, he agreed to provide free religious services for San Carlos until the new settlement could afford the cost of a parish priest.34

Despite economic and religious difficulties, San Carlos was successfully established in the middle sixties and was apparently still in existence in the early seventies. As late as 1773 a Spanish proprietor of Tempoala petitioned the viceroy to resettle the Pensacola Indians elsewhere, on the grounds that they were occupying private property and becoming a neighborhood nuisance. In the late sixties the status of the new community was discussed in an official report from alcalde mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz. According to him the community of San Carlos continued in its original form without evidence of physical deterioration.35

Although he observed that the Yamasee Apalachinos lacked ambition to work as farmers, Palacio y Varros recognized that they were accustomed to a way of life in which farming was not esteemed; only women worked hard in the fields of San Carlos. He urged the viceroy, therefore, to be patient with them. Since the Pensacola Indians were reared in a frontier environment where subordination to Spanish organization was seldom possible, he suggested that the new community should not be immediately forced to comply with all the laws of the viceroyalty. Employing a similar “environmental” argument, Lieutenant Amoscotigue also urged his superiors in Mexico City to treat the Yamasee Apalachinos leniently until they became adjusted to life in New Spain.36

The Spanish crown, then, attempted to guarantee the Catholic Indians of Pensacola socio-economic opportunities in New Spain. After the Yamasee Apalachinos voluntarily abandoned Florida, an almost isolated Indian community was founded for them in Tempoala. The new settlement, San Carlos, was planned and organized by Spanish officials, but enjoyed a semi-autonomous status. Although San Carlos was founded as a self-sufficient community, the royal officials in Mexico City offered the struggling settlement temporary financial assistance and special consideration. The Indian exiles from Florida experienced economic and religious problems in their new community, but San Carlos appeared to be securely established by 1770.37

1

Apalache was located in the neighborhood of present-day Tallahassee.

2

Juan Elixio de la Puente to Minister Julián de Arriaga. Havana, April 16, 1764, MS, AGI 86-6-6/43, Santo Domingo 2543; Puente to the governor of Cuba. Havana, January 22, 1764, September 26, 1766, and January 27, 1770, MSS, AGI 87-1-5/3-4, Santo Domingo 2595; Puente to the governor of Cuba. Havana, March 4, 1772, MS, AGI 86-7-11/24; Governor of Cuba to Governor Melchor Feliú. Havana, July 2, and 13, 1763, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/3; Captain Bentura Díaz to the governor of Cuba. Apalache, November 6, 1763, MS, AGI 86-7-11/16; Captain Díaz to the governor of Cuba. Apalache, January 19, and 21, 1764, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/20; Minister Julián de Arriaga to the governor of Cuba, governor of Cuba to Governor Diego Ortiz Parrilla, and Governor Parrilla to Minister Julián de Arriaga. Havana and Pensacola, November 21, and 24, 1763, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/228; Instructions concerning the 1763 evacuation. July 6, and November 24, 1763, MSS, AGNM 425, Documents: 14-24, and 60-64; Acts establishing the Pensacola Indians near Veracruz. 1764-1770, MS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466. All documents cited as AGI (Archivo General de las Indias) and AGNM (Archivo General de la Nación, México) were obtained from the Stetson Collection of photostated Spanish colonial manuscripts located in the P. K. Yonge Memorial Library of Florida History, Gainesville, Florida. Most of the Stetson Collection was reproduced from the general archives of Seville, Spain.

3

The villages of Escambe and Punta Rosa were located in proximity to San Miguel de Pensacola.

4

Juan Elixio de la Puente to Minister Julián de Arriaga. Havana, April 16, 1764, MS, AGI 86-6-6/43, Santo Domingo 2543; Puente to the governor of Cuba. Havana, January 22, 1764, September 26, 1766, and January 27, 1770, MSS, AGI 87-1-5/3-4, Santo Domingo 2595; Puente to the governor of Cuba. Havana, March 4, 1772, MS, AGI 86-7-11/24; Governor of Cuba to Governor Melchor Feliú. Havana, July 2, and 13, 1763, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/3; Captain Díaz to the governor of Cuba. Apalache, January 19, and 21, 1764, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/20; Minister Julián de Arriaga to the governor of Cuba, governor of Cuba to Governor Diego Ortiz Parrilla, and Governor Parrilla to Minister Julián de Arriaga. Havana and Pensacola, November 21, and 24, 1763, MSS, AGI 86-7-11/228; Acts establishing the Pensacola Indians near Veracruz. 1764-1770, MS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

5

Antigua Veracruz, known currently as José Cardel, is located approximately fifteen miles north of the present port-city of Veracruz. Old Veracruz apparently occupies the site of Hernando Cortés’ famous landing in April, 1519.

6

Today, Tempoala is simply called Tempoal. Lieutenant Pedro de Amoscotigue y Bermudo to Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas. Veracruz and San Carlos, December 12, and 19, 1764, January 26, March 6, and November 22, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

7

Ibid.; The Don Pedro de Amoscotigue y Bermudo Map and Plan of the Pueblo of San Carlos and the surrounding area. Veracruz, February 26, 1766, MS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

8

The actual number of Christian Indians migrating from Florida is uncertain. According to Wilbur H. Siebert, “How the Spaniards Evacuated Pensacola in 1763,” Florida Historical Quarterly, XI (October, 1932), 52-53, there were 108 Yamasee Apalachinos in the mass emigration from Pensacola on September 3, 1763. Since the documents containing the exile statistics are not now available, and since Siebert’s totals indicate both questionable listings as well as apparent addition errors, it is not possible to offer definitive totals.

9

The list of the Pensacola Indians moving to Tempoala. Veracruz, January 16, 1765; Lieutenant Pedro de Amoscotigue y Bermudo to Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas. Tempoala, January 26, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

10

Ibid.

11

Joaquín de Monserrat, the Marqués de Cruillas, was viceroy, governor, and captain general of New Spain from 1760 to 1766.

12

Governor Parrilla to Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo. Mexico City, 1763-1764; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas. Mexico City, May 2, 1764; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

13

Laws for the military and political government of San Carlos. San Carlos, December 9, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 22, 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

14

Ibid.

15

Ibid.

16

Ibid.

17

Ibid.

18

Ibid.

19

Marqués Carlos Francisco de Croix occupied the viceregal office of New Spain from 1766 to 1771 until the advent of Antonio María Bucareli (1771-1779).

20

Laws for the military and political government of San Carlos. San Carlos, December 9, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 22, 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766, AGNM 911, MSS, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

21

Ibid.

22

Ibid.

23

Ibid.

24

Ibid.

25

Ibid.

26

Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo to the Viceroy of New Spain. Mexico City, Veracruz, and San Carlos, December 11, 1764, October 14, 1765, and April 8, 1766; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 22, 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766; Alcalde Mayor José Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Lcga.jo 466.

27

Corroborative testimony was not apparently secured from Don Diego Ortiz Parrilla who became interim governor of San Francisco de Coahuila after evacuating the Pensacola population from Florida in 1763. A report of the Audiencia of Guadalajara regarding Governor Parrilla. Guadalajara, October 21, 1767, MS, AGI 104-6-17/21.

28

Record of expenses for the construction of the church of San Carlos. San Carlos, January 1, 1766; Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo to the Viceroy of New Spain. Veracruz, April 8, 1766; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766; Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Bamo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

29

Viceroy Marqués de Cruillas to Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo. Mexico City, January 23, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766; Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

30

According to the alcalde mayor, the Pensacola Indians were not inclined to work, although they enjoyed hunting. The women of the town worked industriously, however, laboring as housekeepers and field porters. For both men and women the climate of Tempoala was exhausting and almost enervating. As a consequence the Indian colonists bathed daily. Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, November 25, 1765, and September 30, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

31

The Pensacola Indians were allowed to use Spanish muskets in the search for wild game. Hunting dogs (perros de caza) were also employed in the pursuit. Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo to the Viceroy of New Spain. San Carlos, December 9, 1765; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766; Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766; Juan Antonio Cervantes to the Viceroy of New Spain. Mexico City, November 1, 1773, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

32

Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo to the Viceroy of New Spain. San Carlos, January 26, March 6, and November 22, 1765; Fray Francisco de Quintana to the Treasury Officials of New Spain. Veracruz, November, 1765; Ignacio Sánchez de Mora to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, April 1, 1766; the Bishop of Puebla to the Viceroy of New Spain. Mexico City, September 27, 1766; The San Carlos reports of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, August 27, and 29, 1766; Decree of Viceroy Marqués de Croix. Mexico City, September 9, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

33

Ibid.

34

Ibid.

35

Ibid.; Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766; Juan Antonio Cervantes to the Viceroy of New Spain. Mexico City, November 1, 1773, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

36

Lieutenant Amoscotigue y Bermudo to the Viceroy of New Spain. San Carlos, December 9, 1765; Alcalde Mayor Palacio y Varros of Old Veracruz to the Viceroy of New Spain. Old Veracruz, September 30, 1766, MSS, AGNM 911, Ramo de Tierras, Legajo 466.

37

The fate of the little colony of San Carlos after 1770 is the subject of future research in the Archivo General de la Nación, México.

Author notes

*

The author is Assistant Professor of History at Southern Illinois University.