This work constitutes a helpful and rapid coverage of Latin American labor. It utilizes both a topical and geographical approach. In seven chapters, one hundred and fifty-three pages of text, the main problems of trade-unionism are presented in chronological fashion. In addition, there are four pages of explanatory notes and a ten-page bibliography at the back of the book. The bibliography draws almost exclusively upon secondary materials, except for certain labor reviews and bulletins which might be considered as sources.
The text itself satisfactorily explains the causes and problems of the Latin American labor movement. Chapter I’s strength is in showing the changeover in labor from mutual benefit societies to powerful strike-and-bargaining organizations. Revealing, too, is the intellectual and ideological basis of labor in the 19th and 20th centuries, that is, the socialist, Marxist influences that have been so widespread and that have given the radical and proletarian direction to Latin American labor. The point at which Communist influences began to make themselves felt is very well underscored by the authors.
Unlike United States labor, Latin American labor, with few exceptions, is constitutionally provided for, as virtual labor codes are written into Latin American constitutions. Chapter II further illustrates the close working relationship existing between most governments and labor unions. This is both good and ill for labor, the authors explain. The concessions received from friendly administrations are counter-balanced by labor having to modify its demands against these paternalistic governments.
The succeeding three chapters (III, IV and V) take up the labor movement in each of the twenty republics. Argentina and Chile receive a whole chapter. Other South American countries are dealt with in Chapter IV. Chapter V is on labor in Middle America, including Caribbean countries. Mexico is referred to constantly throughout the text as a precursor and as a pattern for the labor movement in the rest of Latin America.
In Chapter VI the international aspects of Latin American labor are detailed. Its early phase is shown to have been socialist-communist dominated. This was particularly true of the 1930’s (depression years) and the 1940’s (war years). Again, Mexico’s role was outstanding: Vicente Lombardo Toledano (Marxist), founder of Mexico’s biggest labor group (CTM), headed the most important hemispheric labor group (CTAL). In post-war years a more democratic and less political organization (ORIT) arose to challenge the CTAL. These inter-American labor movements reflect the intra-American trends. The authors point to a more optimistic inter-American labor future since ORIT has emerged.
The last chapter (VII) summarizes the problems and prospects of labor in politics. These problems, as stated in earlier chapters, stem largely from Latin American labor’s ideological inclination (socialist, communist, anarcho-syndicalist) and from its legal relationships with the governments in each of the states of Latin America. One effect of labor in polities, according to the authors, is to modify the monopoly of power by old political groups allied to the church and the army. At the same time this has a tendency to make labor’s political objectives very leftist and upsetting to Latin America’s traditions.
The book’s main drawbacks seem to be brevity and lack of a grasp of current labor trends. One cannot help but query as to labor’s impact on education, for example. Also, the increasing part women are taking in the total work force south of our border was not touched upon. Frequently cited were constitutions that were voided by new political movements. For example, labor under the 1940 Cuban constitution was referred to as if the constitution were still in force. Nevertheless, the book is a welcome addition to a little studied subject among American scholars dealing with Latin America. Precisely because the labor movement is dynamic and highly problematical it necessitates close and frequent surveillance.
