This is an excellent publication, motivated by the sesquicentennial of that memorable date in Ecuador’s history, August 10, 1809, when a group of Quito aristocrats, among them the brother of a Grandee, constituted a Junta Soberana to replace the Royal Audiencia. Yet, only recently, some politicians and newspapermen—many of them socialists—undertook a sophomoric campaign to transform these heroes into traitors, because—apart from being aristocrats and monarchists— they had been unwilling to die for independence. Of course, until now all Ecuadorians were taught that August 10 was the day on which independence had been proclaimed.
Though Ponce Ribadeneira follows the same line in his introduction, he makes it quite clear in his work—what has been known already by serious historians—that this was a movement for self-government in the form of autonomy, inspired by the example of the similar Peninsular movements. Such a course was probably the most reasonable one to follow in 1809. However, in spite of all, Ponce Ribadeneira finally joins the detractors of the Marqués de Selva Alegre, President of the Junta, for having offered his submission to the Viceroy of Santa Fe only thirty days after the proclamation of the Junta (p. 48). But it should be kept in mind that Selva Alegre found himself in a blind alley, for none of the other provinces was following Quito’s example, and he probably had not counted on such a furious reaction on the part of the Spanish authorities. His choice lay, theoretically, between independence or submission. But he had never contemplated the first possibility, nor did he possess the means to sustain such a course. It was only after the 1811 massacre of Quiteños at the hands of Viceroy Abascal’s Peruvian troops that sentiment in favor of independence developed, as Ponce Ribadeneira rightly shows. It was Ecuador’s tragedy that this second movement failed, for this led ten years later to its occupation and annexation by Colombia, the starting point of its territorial dismemberment.
One more comment on Colonel Jacinto Bejarano, Vicente Rocafuerte’s uncle and brother-in-law, whom Ponce R. presents as dedicated to the cause of independence (p. 80). Significantly, this is one of the few statements in the book which are not based on direct archival sources. Colonel Bejarano was the head of the criollo party in Guayaquil, where he sustained a long feud—mostly for economic reasons—with Governor Cucalón. Selva Alegre offered him the governorship of Guayaquil, and his half brother took part in the August 10 movement in Quito. For security reasons Cucalón placed Bejarano under arrest, but without being able to prove anything against him. Then Abascal intervened in favor of Bejarano and suspended Cucalón. Even in 1816 Bejarano commanded the militia of Guayaquil which defeated and captured the Argentine Commodore Brown. His cousin and close political ally Cortázar was the last bishop of Cuenca appointed by the Spanish king. Thus, although Bejarano illustrates criollo opposition to Peninsular governors, he serves even better as an example of American loyalty to the king.
The 106 documents which are reproduced after the text enhance the value of this book. The author made a very real contribution, not only to the history of his own country, but to a better knowledge of Spanish American emancipation as well.
