Between 1830 and the outbreak of the War of the Pacific in 1879, Chile made remarkable progress in establishing political stability and devising smoothly-functioning politico-economic institutions. Still, many Chilean observers remained highly critical of their country’s accomplishments. Of all the analysts of the contemporary scene, perhaps the most brilliant was Miguel Cruchaga Montt, economist of the laissez-faire school and professor of economics at the University of Chile. A prolific author, Cruchaga published his major work in 1878, Estudio sobre la organización económica y la hacienda pública de Chile,1 which contains one of the first criticisms of the Chilean middle class to appear in non-fiction writing.

Examining his country’s past, Cruchaga concluded that colonial practices had bequeathed a legacy that impeded economic progress. Cruchaga felt Chile’s only hope for development and progress lay in giving the lower classes some share in society. Education might encourage the masses not only to lead better moral lives, but equip them to produce and therefore to earn enough to enjoy adequate material comfort. Education might also instill in the middle class respect for the virtues of work, efficiency, and frugality. Once these goals were achieved, Cruchaga hoped the Chilean upper classes would abandon their inordinate devotion to economic activity and leave the nation’s material development to the middle class. The upper classes could then, by turning to pursuits of mind and soul, produce a Chilean culture.

Subsequent developments in the nineteenth century prevented realization of the division of labor between middle and upper classes urged by Cruchaga. Instead, the trend toward the creation of a middle-class, upper-class amalgam gained momentum. Actually, this trend, initiated in the 1830’s, had become an important aspect of national life by the mid-nineteenth century. The Chañarcillo silver mine began operation in 18322—a mine that yielded 450,000,000 of the 891,000,000 pesos worth of silver produced in Chile by the beginning of the twentieth century.3 The mining boom had commenced, and the age of fabulous silver strikes continued until 1870, the date of the discovery of the northern Caracoles vein. By the time of the Caracoles find, Chilean nitrate production had begun, and the country was already saddled with a dependence on extractive industries that rendered unlikely a balanced economic growth. In 1864, approximately 70% of Chile’s exports consisted of mine products, while by 1881 the figure had risen to 78.5%.4

By the 1850’s a new class, its wealth based on commerce, industry, banking, and above all on mining, was coming to occupy positions of social and political importance formerly reserved to landowners who could trace their lineage back to colonial times. Agustín Edwards Ossandón, Gregorio Ossa, Tomás Gallo, and especially the coal and nitrate magnate Matías Cousiño, were the first outstanding representatives of the new class.5 In 1857 the traditional landlord aristocracy suffered a rude blow with the abolition of mayorazgos (roughly equivalent to a combination of primogeniture and entail), which facilitated redistribution of landed estates. A depression from 1858 to 1860, moreover, caused a disastrous decline in agrarian land values, impoverished many members of the old order, and permitted the new rich to acquire land and, thereby, social prestige and acceptance.

Chile, by the mid-nineteenth century, was revealing a remarkable tolerance for allowing entry of new blood into the ranks of the social elite. Even more striking, by the latter part of the century the upper class was studded with the names of foreigners whose grandfathers had arrived in the country only around the time of independence. From the United Kingdom had come settlers with the names of Ross, Edwards, Lyon, Walker, MacClure, Garland, Mac-Iver, Jackson, Brown, Price, Phillips, Waddington, Blest, Simpson, Eastman, Budge, Page, and others; from France came the Cousiño, Subercaseaux, and Rogers families; while from Slavic and German areas had come the Piwonkas and the Königs. A survey of Chilean biographical encyclopedias, or membership lists for such elite organizations as the Club de la Unión, or of the roll of the stock-market founders,6 and a scanning of prominent names in diplomacy, politics, and the fine arts will reveal the prominence that these names have enjoyed from the mid-to-late nineteenth century to the present time. A conspicuous factor in this development was the “well-known preference” of Chilean ruling classes for marrying their children to financially successful immigrants and their descendants.7

The rapid transformation in Chilean society was noted by the leading Valparaíso daily, El Mercurio, in May, 1882. Of the fifty-nine personal fortunes in Chile of over one million pesos (of forty-eight pence), twenty-four were of colonial origin, and the remainder belonged to coal, nitrate, copper, and silver interests, or to merchants, all of whom had begun their march toward prosperity only in the nineteenth century.8

Political developments strengthened the ties between new, middle groups and traditional upper social elements. Many of the principles espoused by the essentially middle-class liberals or Pipiolos, who had been crushed in 1830 at the Battle of Lircay, gradually re-emerged in the Chilean intellectual scene of the 1840’s. Resurgent liberal forces attempted revolutions in 1849 and 1851, but were harshly suppressed on both occasions. In addition to urging political and social reform, the reviving but harassed liberals instituted a spirited anti-clerical campaign. In fact, the staunchly conservative writer Alberto Edwards Vives is undoubtedly correct in asserting that the religious question, above all others, gave rise to party polities in Chile.9

The conservative aristocracy, dominant since 1830, was torn by dissension in 1856 because of a jurisdictional dispute between ecelesiastical and civil tribunals known as the “affair of the sacristan.” The outcome was that the Chilean Supreme Court exiled the inflexible Archbishop of Santiago, Rafael Valentín Valdivieso y Zanartu, and was backed in its sentence by President Manuel Montt and his energetic cabinet leader, Antonio Varas. Some members of the ruling class assumed a pro-Church stand and came together to found the militantly Catholic, proclerical Conservative Party, membership in which, according to author-statesman Abdón Cifuentes, brought one closer to God.10 Many other Chilean aristocrats approved the stand of the Supreme Court and the president. This second group formed the National or Montt-Varista Party which, though anticlerical, was authoritarian and as aristocratic in its makeup as the rival Conservative Party.

The Conservative Party now had a common grievance with the forces that had been crushed by military action in 1849 and 1851 and that had banded together in the mid-1850’s to form the Liberal Party. Both Conservatives and Liberals opposed the National Party. Dislike of a common foe served to mask the fundamental differences between Conservatives and Liberals, and the two groups united to form the so-called Fusion Party.

Unalloyed political considerations created the Fusion Party, driving together the aristocratic Conservatives and the Liberals, many of whom could only claim a social status considerably beneath the top level. In the search for political allies, class distinctions often melted. The continuing divisions among the Chilean ruling classes served throughout the nineteenth century to break down upper-class social barriers, as the traditional elite faced the necessity of winning recruits from a social class they might otherwise have preferred to ignore.

The social and political merging of middle and upper groups produced a cross-pollenization between apparently opposed political philosophies. Championed largely by middle groups, nineteenth-century liberalism in Chile taught that poverty was something of a disgrace, but that the humble man could and should rise and thereby gain honorable status and the power of self-protection. The upper groups, on the other hand, generally advanced the conservative belief that poverty was no disgrace but rather the estate richest in the means of salvation, and that lower groups should not aspire to political articulateness or to a status of comfort that they themselves could safeguard and augment. To gain even the tolerance of the advocates of the liberal philosophy, the masses had to attain precisely what the conservatives were dedicated to prevent them from attaining: self-improvement, self-assertiveness, and a rise in social status. Through the years, beginning in the latter nineteenth century, the social and political contact between middle and upper groups led to a mingling of their philosophical principles. Liberals, at least those who became successful, were enticed by the practical convenience of the concept of a providentially-ordained stratified society. They came to question the perfectibility of the lower class, and thus grew increasingly indifferent to supplying its members with opportunities to advance. Conservatives, influenced by secular, material standards, questioned the feasibility of supplying paternalistic protection to groups that appeared to lack economic virtues and the capitalist mentality. Middle and upper groups tended therefore to join in a disparaging attitude toward the lower mass.

This disparaging attitude contributed significantly to the neglect shown by the ruling class to the social problem that began to manifest itself during the parliamentary period, 1892-1920. Other factors also contributed to the indifference with which urban middle and upper groups regarded a growing urban proletariat. Between 1892 and 1920 the Chilean population increased by only one-half million, rising from 3.3 to 3.8 million.11 Yet, the demographic shift underway was startling. The urban population, only 27% of the total in 1875, had risen to over 43% in 1902.12 From 1885 to 1895, the population of Santiago went up over 30%, and by 1907 had increased an additional 22%. During the same two periods the population of Antofagasta rose 58% and 73%, of Iquique 76% and 16%, of Concepción 50% and 27%, and of Valparaíso 15% and 24%.13

In short, the period from 1885 to 1907 witnessed the most dramatic population shift in Chile’s history. The inquilinos or serfs who had previously labored on the vast estates of southern Chile and the central valley flocked in unprecedented numbers to northern and central towns. In their migration, the rural masses passed directly from a manorial situation—in which they had been cared for paternalistically, had never learned to protect themselves in a competitive society, and had almost never acquired education—into the modern conditions of semi-industrial urban life. In the rural setting they had at least possessed sufficient skill to be useful to their patrones. In the cities they had no skills to offer. They comprised a vast pool of untrained, largely unproductive, brute labor. The rising industrial and commercial capitalists would have been more than human if they had not exploited the new urban masses. And even as the element of noblesse oblige disappeared from the employer-employee relationship when the rural masses crowded into the city, so also the bonds between the patrón and the inquilinos who remained on the agricultural estates were weakened as the landowners began to maintain their principal residences in Concepción, Santiago, or Paris.14 Under these conditions, human labor fell increasingly into disrepute.

The economy of Chile as well as its population was shifting to the cities. In 1889 mining products worth over fifty-five million pesos were exported. The value of agrarian exports that year was less than 7.5 million.15 In the twentieth century the importance of agriculture to the national economy declined further, as Chile began to import wheat and meat from Argentina.16 By 1912, while Chile exported animal products worth 19.8, and wheat worth 7.1, the value of mineral exports had soared to 336 million.17

Chile’s biggest money earner was nitrates, and contrary to the common assumption that exploitation of this natural resource was controlled by British and other foreign groups, domestic capital accounted for well over half of the total nitrate investments in the early twentieth century.18 In addition, Chilean capital to the extent of over thirty million pesos of eighteen pence was invested in the seventy-million peso copper industry, and comprised the total of the approximately 153 million invested in the coal industry.19 Chileans also took advantage of the protectionist policies adopted by their government in the early 1900’s. By 1920, more than one-half of the approximately 800 million pesos invested in nonextractive industry was native capital. Moreover, nonextractive industry by this time employed 30% of the entire active labor force, and was creeping up on agriculture, which employed 40%.20

Socially, the important feature of Chile’s move to the cities was the manner in which a landed aristocracy either became, or merged with, an urban upper or middle class earlier and more completely than elsewhere in Latin America. A strictly landowning aristocracy dwindled in importance as absentee owners, continuing the process initiated in the middle of the nineteenth century, invested in urban pursuits and married into the new-money classes of the mushrooming cities. In addition, the urban rich found continuing opportunities to gain the distinction of rural landownership, especially when many older families of social prominence lost their fortunes in the 1907 stock-market crash and were forced to sell their lands.21 By the turn-of-the-century period, then, urban and rural interests were crossed and criss-crossed to such a degree as to make the distinction often meaningless.22

From these conditions resulted a close union between new, urban-middle and old, rural-upper classes. A hybrid aristocracy, together with urban middle-class supporters, came into being, and neither aristocrats nor middle sectors were under pressure to minister to the needs of the lower classes. The urban noveaux riches, both upper and middle class, found it totally unnecessary to enlist the aid of the city proletariat in a struggle with the old order, for they had already joined or were in the process of joining the old order. Nor were the landowners willing, as occasionally they have been in Peru and other countries, to support modest reforms of strictly urban application. In Chile, urban and rural interests were becoming too intertwined to permit landowners to pursue this policy. Similarly, because of interlocking features, urban interests were unwilling to press for rural reforms. Thus, upper and middle classes, old and new or potential aristocrats, rural and urban sectors united in regarding the lower classes, wherever found, as fair prey.23

Contributing to this social pattern was the role of the immigrant in Chile. Although the limited immigration to the country did not have notable effects upon the population as a whole, it greatly affected the composition of the middle class.24 In 1930, while foreigners accounted for only 2.46% of the population, they comprised about 17% of the urban middle class.25 Insecure in status because of foreign birth, it was only natural that these middle-class elements would try to assure acceptance by emulating the standards and value judgments of the established aristocracy.

The alliance of middle and upper groups in what came to assume characteristics of a class war against the lower mass has continued through the years. Chile’s urban middle sectors have largely persisted in manifesting indifference to the social problem. At the same time they have dedicated themselves to the defense of traditional, upper-class value judgments.26 The readily observable traits of the middle class have led to the introduction into the Chilean vocabulary of the word siútico. Such a person is a middle-class individual who emulates the aristocracy and its usages and hopes to be taken for one of its members.27 It is generally agreed that Chile’s middle class abounds in siúticos.

Because of their desire to assume upper-class attitudes, middle groups have developed very little consciousness of themselves as members of a distinct class. It is extremely difficult to detect opinions, customs, and value judgments in Chile that are demonstrably middle class. Almost the only clear middle-class trait has been the tendency to shun the lower mass and to embrace the aristocracy.

A large number of Chilean writers have turned their attention to the middle class. In 1919 an editorial in El Mercurio asserted that the middle class had traditionally remained aloof from political and social agitation. The paper held that the middle class, concerned with protecting its dignity, had been content to support the position of the established ruling sectors.28 Later in the same year El Mercurio editorials commented that because of the manner in which the upper class had opened its ranks to the middle, there were really only two classes in the country: the united upper and middle, and the lower.29 It is also revealing that the first attempt to mold the middle class into a cohesive, articulate group, leading in 1919 to the formation of the Federación de la Clase Media, produced a platform which although containing a mild warning to the oligarchy to refrain from some of its more notorious abuses said absolutely nothing about aiding the lower classes.30 A decade later, Santiago Macchiavello speculated that Chile’s main ills had stemmed from exploitation of the lower by the middle class, and from the attempt by members of the latter to pose as aristocrats and therefore to shun all useful and productive work.31 In the early 1930’s, when Chile was suffering from the effects of the depression, El Mercurio noted approvingly that in these times of crisis, the Chilean middle class had once again demonstrated its customary responsibility by siding with the upper classes in the attempt to cope with economic disruption.32

Journalist Jorge Gustavo Silva observed in 1930 that in whatever profession they enter, middle-class elements seek to obscure their humble origins and to convert themselves, even at the risk of appearing ridiculous, into aristocrats and oligarchs.”33 A much more scathing attack against the middle class was delivered by Gabriela Mistral. The great poetess charged it with having turned viciously upon the manual laborers and with having failed to contribute to balanced national development.34 She noted also the revulsion felt by novelist Pedro Prado for the middle class because of the manner in which it had harassed the humble people.35 Distinguished author Domingo Melfi suggested in 1948 that the plot situation which had most intrigued Chilean novelists in the twentieth century was the rise of a middle-class hero into the aristocracy, either by the acquisition of wealth or by a judicious marriage. To Melfi, this indicated the lack of middle-class consciousness.36 Other journalists and critics, as Raúl Silva Castro, Manuel Rojas, and Hernán Díaz Arrieta (pseud., Alone), have agreed that middle and upper-class authors alike have tended to ignore in their fiction the theme of Chile’s social problem and the plight of the masses.37

Raúl Alarcón Pino, author of the principal—but nonetheless superficial—university dissertation that has been written on the Chilean middle class, notes that the main vice of this social sector is its adoration of the aristocracy’s way of life.38 Alarcón Pino asserts that the Chilean middle class has remained steadfastly unconvinced that it has any common purpose with the lower classes.39 Much the same message is conveyed by Francisco Pinto Salvatierra, who argues that the overriding cause of Chilean stagnation, which allegedly threatens to become retrogression, is the total indifference of the middle class to the mounting social and economic problems of the masses.40

As much as any single Chilean writer and intellectual, Julio Vega has studied the role of the middle class. Vega has concluded that in Chile there is no artisan tradition. The artisan’s chief desire is that his son should enter one of the professions that is recognized as the province of the upper classes.41 Members of the lower middle class, Vega observed, will spend most of their income on clothes and housing, trying to present an upper-class façade. The result is that not enough of the budget is allocated for food and consequently some middle-class members are actually more undernourished than the lower classes.42

An observer of the social scene in 1951, Julio Heise González, offered assurances that the middle class had begun finally to develop a class consciousness, to emancipate itself from prejudice, to withdraw from the traditional aristocracy, and to approach the proletariat. Two pages later in the same work he seemed to contradict himself when he stated that members of the middle class were perpetuating their poverty by their conspicuous consumption, apparently in the desire to create the impression that they belonged to a higher social level than actually they did.43

The number of authors who have commented upon the middleclass betrayal and exploitation of the manual laborers is imposing.44 Because of their number and their close agreement, their charges cannot be lightly dismissed. This writer’s own observations and conversations in Chile have confirmed, moreover, that the country is still to a large degree characterized by a close association between upper and middle groups which works to the disadvantage of the lower mass.

The agricultural situation in Chile tends to confirm some of the unfavorable appraisals of the middle sectors. During the 1950’s Chile, with some of the finest land resources in Latin America, capable according to most authorities not only of feeding its own population but of providing food for sister republics as well, had to devote an annual average of approximately one-sixth of its foreign-currency expenditures to food imports.45 What was the reason? According to one authority: “The basic reason underlying the failure of Chilean agriculture to keep up with growing needs may have to be sought in its semi-feudal structure.”46 At first glance, this appears to be an indictment of a traditional, landowning aristocracy. Actually, between 1925 and 1960, some 60% of the arable land in Chile’s fertile central valley changed hands. The new landowners, primarily from the middle class, emulated the inefficient, absentee ownership patterns of the old landowning aristocracy, and often productivity of the lands they acquired declined. Frequently, moreover, land acquisition by new urban middle sectors resulted in deteriorating conditions for agrarian laborers.47

Probably the attitudes of Chile’s middle class have produced an important superficial advantage for the country. Because this group has in its political, social, and economic thinking so closely reflected the attitudes of the aristocracy, there has been almost no disruption as middle sectors have won increasing power in Chilean politics. This has contributed notably to Chilean stability. The role assumed by middle sectors may also have contributed to economic and social stagnation.

Obviously, not all middle-class members uphold aristocratic values. As of 1960 there were many signs that middle groups might be seeking an alliance with the lower classes and not, as in the past, simply trying to play the game of political opportunism. Stung by inflation and with their hopes for expanding opportunities frustrated by Chile’s lack of real growth, some middle-class supporters of the Christian Democrat Party, of the activist wing of the Radical Party, and of the FRAP (an alliance of Socialists and Communists) seemed intent upon siding with the lower mass in a genuine attempt to alter the traditional socio-political structure. Some of the young members of the Conservative Party seemed also to fit into this category. This was a relatively new development in Chilean politics, one that could in the years ahead prove to be of great significance.

There are still many obstacles to middle group-lower mass cooperation. One of these is the educational structure. Since early in this century Chilean educators and intellectuals have pointed out the inadequacy and outmoded orientation of national education. In 1910 Alejandro Venegas in Sinceridad48 charged that education in Chile produced stuffy sycophants of the aristocracy, utterly devoid of interest in the common good, and unable to contribute to the vitally needed economic progress of their country. El Mercurio in 1916 observed: “We have among us thousands of university graduates who are true monuments of uselessness, and at the same time a living indictment of our national educational system.”49

More recently, criticisms of a similar nature have been made. Many of these are well summarized in the writings of Amanda Labarca, who for longer than she might care to recall has been one of Chile’s outstanding pensadores, feminists, and educators. Possessing faith in the ultimate role of the middle class in moving Chile ahead, Labarca feels that a superannuated educational system has unduly delayed this class in fulfilling its destiny.50 Coming to the heart of the problem, another writer-educator urged in 1950 that education begin to emancipate itself from the social prejudices which led 99% of those entering the liceo to want to be professionals, so as to gain access to the world of the aristocracy. Educators, it was further alleged, had passively permitted the continuing neglect of those studies that would be genuinely useful in developing the country.51

Chilean education has continued to he characterized by its lack of attention to technical training and by its emphasis oh the philosophical approach. This has not only slowed the rate of economic progress, but has meant that the typical middle-class product of the national educational system—which is largely controlled by middle-class, Radical-Party bureaucrats—has been taught to think like an aristocrat of a past century and to disdain manual labor and those who perform it.

Contributing also to a gulf between middle and lower groups are racial considerations. The majority of Chile’s lower classes display recognizable Indian features, often manifest in some degree of skin-darkness. On the other hand, the great majority of the middle and practically the entirety of the upper classes do not clearly exhibit physical characteristics attributable to Indian blood. This fact has exercised profound effects upon the nation’s social structure.

Racist interpretations are commonplace in Chile. Early in the twentieth century Nicolás Palacios, in a very popular book, La raza chilena,52 suggested that Chilean superiority over other Latin American populations stemmed largely from the predominance of Basque, or actually Gothic, blood. In later times one of the most convinced of Chile’s many racists has been the distinguished and prolific historian Francisco Antonio Encina, who basically repeats the Palacios assertions about the superiority of Gothic blood.53 Marxian-socialist author Julio César Jobet appeared to be largely justified when he accused Encina in 1949 of believing in the racist theories of Joseph Arthur de Gobineau and Houston Stewart Chamberlain.54 Similar charges could be leveled against such Chilean pensadores as the extremely active Carlos Keller,55 the late Alberto Edwards Vives,56 and a multitude of lesser writers, especially those active in neofascistic and hispanista movements.

If Chilean superiority is regarded as the consequence of Basque or Gothic blood, what place is left for the Indian and those who share his blood? It is not necessary to search far in Chilean literature for the answer, for anti-Indian writings are vast in number.57 A random sampling illustrates the broad aspects of the prejudice that is an important national characteristic. One writer asserted that the reason for high infant mortality is the stupidity and proneness toward uncleanliness and drunkenness which Indian blood inevitably produced in the lower classes;58 another stated that the mental inferiority of the Araucanians is recognized by almost all Chileans;59 while from still a different source came the pronouncement that the racial superiority of the white upper classes made unavoidable the exploitation of the inferior, mixed-blood, lower classes.60 A prominent army general contended that Indians are lazy, dirty, irresponsible, and that southern Chile was doomed unless Indian influence was eradicated by European immigration.61 A noted intellectual was even more pessimistic, observing that because Chilean lower classes in general had a certain proportion of Indian blood, national progress was unlikely unless a veritable flood of white immigration descended upon the entire country.62 Echoing this pessimistic tone, another writer suggested that the Indian mentality, which could not advance beyond concepts of subsistence production, was responsible for Chile’s problems.63 On the other hand, there have been many writers who although defending the Indian have sadly noted the prevailing tendency to hold aborigines and those sharing their blood in contempt,64 and to consider the Indians and mixed-bloods as an impediment to national progress.65

The anti-Indian prejudice may explain why the visitor to Chile is assured over and over again, “We have no Indians, and therefore no Indian problem, here.” The typical Chilean attitude was expressed once by Deputy Ricasio Retamales who during congressional debates interjected: “What, are there still Indians in Chile? I think not.”66 For a Chilean who is proudly nationalistic and optimistic about the progress potential of his country, and who is at the same time convinced of the inferiority of Indians and mestizos, it is convenient to forget the overwhelming evidence of Indian blood among the lower classes and the fact that, as Benjamín Subercaseaux has observed, the Chilean lower class is distinguished primarily by its color.67 It is possible that the cruel treatment of the mixed-blood lower classes has stemmed from the fact that upper and middle sectors would really be happier if somehow the reminder of Indian inheritance in Chile could be stamped out.

The factor of Indian blood has contributed in telling manner to the traditional middle-class rejection of the lower mass. Priding itself on its whiteness, the middle class to a large extent has believed in the inferiority of Indians and mixed bloods. Clinging to the aristocracy, it has erected a psychological barrier between itself and at least one-third of the population. To a subtler, but to just as deep-rooted an extent as in Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Guatemala, the Indian problem, or a variant of it, is involved in Chile’s social and economic ills.

It is presumptuous for a United States writer to moralize on a Chilean problem that in part involves racial prejudice. Still, it does seem likely that if Chile’s ruling class, made up of an amalgam of upper and middle sectors, does not accommodate itself to new forces, it may be swept away. Despite their many human shortcomings and failures, the ruling classes of Chile have demonstrated wisdom, talent, and responsibility in degree sufficient to compile a proud political tradition for their country. An established aristocracy learned in the nineteenth century how to accommodate to new forces. If this success is not repeated in the present century, then the ruling group instead of assimilating will likely be replaced by men who initially at least may possess less ability and whose exercise of power will not necessarily bring greater integrity or balance to national administration.

1

A second edition of the work, in two volumes, was published in Madrid in 1929. Cruchaga’s son, the distinguished diplomat Miguel Cruchaga Tocornal was instrumental at this time in having his father’s writings republished by a Spanish firm.

2

See Roberto Hernández, Juan Godoy, o el descubrimiento de Chañarcillo, 2 vols. (Valparaíso, 1932). Hereafter, unless specifically indicated otherwise, the place of publication for all works cited is Santiago de Chile. Hernández, a resident of Valparaíso, has been one of Chile’s more reliable historians of nineteenth-century events.

3

Oscar Álvarez Andrews, Historia del desarrollo industrial de Chile (1936), p. 90. Written by a man of leftist leanings who held important governmental posts, this is one of the more valuable economic histories of Chile. For peso-to-dollar conversion rates, see note 18.

4

Ibid., p. 131.

5

See the excellent study by Julio Heise González, La constitución de 1925 y las nuevas tendencias político-sociales (1951), pp. 126-130. The works of Heise González, a prominent university professor, are typical of those of most recent Chilean intellectuals in revealing a certain Marxian influence. Pagination for the cited work is based on its first publication in the Anales de la Universidad de Chile, No. 80 (4o trimestre, 1950).

6

See Luis Escobar Cerda, El mercado de valores (1959). This fine work, by a Harvard-trained Chilean economist who in 1962 was serving as Minister of Economy, contains a good analysis of the rise of corporate finance after 1850, and reveals the prevalence of first-and-second-generation Chileans among the founders of the stock market.

7

Heise González, p. 154.

8

Ibid., p. 132.

9

Edwards, La fronda aristocrática (1959 edition), pp. 93-95.

10

See Armando Donoso, Recuerdos de cincuenta años (1947), p. 143. This delightful collection of character sketches by one of Chile’s most prominent journalists devotes a chapter to Abdón Cifuentes.

11

Oficina Central de Estadística, Sinopsis estadística y jeográfica de Chile en 1891 (1892), and Dirección General de Estadística, X censo de la población efectuado el 27 de noviembre de 1930 (1935), III, xix.

12

Memoria presentada al Supremo Gobierno por la Comisión Central de Censo (1910), p. 1262. This is the 1907 census. See also León Alterman P., El movimiento demográfico en Chile (1946. Memoria de Prueba); Alfredo Rodríguez, Los movimientos de población (1900); and Armando Vergara, La población en Chile (1900). Julio César Jobet, the prominent Marxian socialist, has written a valuable essay pertaining to this topic, “Movimiento social obrero,” Universidad de Chile, Desarrollo de Chile en la primera mitad del siglo XX (1953), I, especially 66 ff. Desarrollo de Chile is a two-volume set consisting of unusually high-quality essays by many of the top Chilean scholars.

13

Dirección General de Estadística, X censo, II, 167. By 1930, fifty-three cities of more than five thousand each were inhabited by 1,684,957 persons, or 41.63% of the population.

14

For an account of the growing Chilean colony in Paris in the late nineteenth century, see Eduardo Balmaceda Valdés, De mi tierra y de Francia (1932).

15

Heise González, La Constitución, p. 133.

16

Ibid., p. 134.

17

See El Diario Ilustrado, the conservative Santiago daily, October 5, 1914, and Julio César Jobet, Ensayo crítico del desarrollo o económico-social de Chile (1955), p. 139.

18

Figures of the Oficina Central de Estadística quoted in Jorge González von Marées, El problema obrera en Chile (1923. Memoria de Prueba), p. 67. This work by the later leader of the Chilean nazi movement is in many ways a careful and reliable study. Chilean nitrate capital at this time totalled 125,440,080 pesos, foreign capital only 116,797,120. See also the very popular but somewhat chauvinistic work of prominent Radical Party politician Alberto Cabero, Chile y los chilenos (1926), pp. 310-311. The value of the Chilean peso fluctuated considerably in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In 1880, with the peso still relatively sound, it was worth on the London market 30 7/8 pence, or roughly the equivalent of US$ 0.64. By 1905 it had sunk to approximately 17 pence, or about US$ 0.33, while by 1925 its value was 6 pence, or US$ 0.1217. For more complete conversion tables see Frank Fetter, Monetary Inflation in Chile (Princeton, New Jersey, 1931), pp. 13-14.

19

Jorge González von Marées, pp. 68-70. See also Dr. F. Landa Z., “Nuestro sistema educacional y la pasividad económica de la población de Chile,” El Mercurio, January 1, 1922, who estimated that of the total of 465,849,765 pesos of 18 pence invested in mining and metallurgy in Chile, 243,732,765—or 52.32%—were in Chilean hands. This article was one in a valuable series published by Landa in El Mercurio, January 1-25. El Mercurio began publication of its Santiago editions in 1900, while also retaining the older Valparaíso editions. Unless specifically indicated, references are to the Santiago editions, considerably different in content from those published in Valparaíso. See also F. Javier Cotapos Aldunate, El aporte del capital extranjero en la industria minera de Chile (1947).

20

Jorge González von Marées, pp. 70-72. See also note 13; El Mercurio, January 1, 1922, and June 6, 1926; Oscar Alvarez Andrews, Historia del desarrollo industrial de Chile, pp. 184-194; and Angel C. Vicuña Pérez, Proteccionismo aplicado a la industria chilena (1905. Memoria de Prueba).

21

On acquisition of land by new classes see Humberto Fuenzalida Villegas, ‘‘La conquista del territorio y la utilización durante la primera mitad del siglo xx,” Universidad de Chile, Desarrollo, I, 11-34, and Cámara de Senadores, Boletín de sesiones extraordinarias, Sesión 40°, January 8, 1895. Moreover, Carlos Keller in his excellent study La eterna crisis chilena (1931) estimates that between 1880 and 1930, 70% of Chilean territory was claimed and/or occupied for the first time. See also José Gómez Gazzano, La cuestión agraria en Magallanes (1938); Marcos Goycolea Cortés, Colonización de Magallanes y Aisén (1947) ; and Agustin Torrealba Z., La propiedad rural en la zona austral de Chile (1912).

22

Carlos Contreras Puebla, an aristocrat who wrote an interesting reply and rebuttal to Sinceridad by Alejandro Venegas which was highly critical of the established ruling class (see note 48), made this point tellingly. See Contreras (pseud. Juvenal Guerra), Verdad: réplica a “Sinceridad” del doctor Julio Valdés Canje (1911). See also the interesting plea of Juan Agustín Barriga in 1896 that Chile’s upper classes continue to woo the rising middle class: Del Partido y de los intereses Conservadores: carta que el diputado de Concepción dirige a sus colegas del dirección general.

23

For brief but effective confirmation of this see Jorge Ahumada, En ves de la miseria (1958), p. 53, and Alberto Edwards Vives and Eduardo Frei, Historia de los partidos políticos chilenos (1949), pp. 145-163. The portion of this excellent work that deals with political history after 1891 was written by the brilliant intellectual and leader of the Christian Democrat Party, Senator Eduardo Frei Montalva.

24

The following works are among those providing some information on Chilean immigration, a topic that has not yet received adequate study. Pedro Pablo Figueroa, Diccionario biográfico de extranjeros en Chile (1900). Alberto Hoerll, Los alemanes en Chile (1910). Mark S. W. Jefferson, Recent Colonization in Chile (New York, 1921). Amadeo Pellegrini C., El censo comercial industrial de la colonia italiana en Chile (1926). Pellegrini and J. C. Aprile, El progreso alemán en América, Vol. I, Chile: resumen general de las actividades que ha desarrollado en Chile la’ colonia alemana (1934). The two works on Italian and German immigration are quite extensive, between them amounting to over 1800 pages. Salvador Soto Rojas, Los alemanes en Chile, 1541-1917: progreso y servicios que les deben la república (Valparaíso, 1917), and “Los ingleses en Chile,” a series of articles in El Mercurio, beginning January 21, 1918. Both of the Soto Rojas pieces are superficial.

25

Some 45,000 of the active foreign-born population of 60,000 were registered in the 1930 census as above the obrero or laborer class (most of the foreign-born obreros were accounted for by Peruvians and Bolivians in the northern nitrate zone), and 85% of foreigners above the laborer level resided in cities. Therefore, some 38,250 foreigners were in Chile’s urban middle sectors. Roughly 1,000,000 of the total national population were listed as active, and of these 450,000 were middle class or above. About 50% of those in this category resided in the cities, in short, some 225,000. The foreign-born, middle-class urban population therefore represented at least 17% of the total urban middle class in Chile. Computation is based on figures in Dirección General de Estadística, X censo de la población . . . 1930, II, 167, and III, v-xix.

26

When aristocrat Luis Orrego Luco published his powerful novel Casa grande (1910), in which he attacked the vices of the oligarchy, it was primarily middleclass writers who rallied to the defense of their allegedly affronted brethren. See Domingo Melfi, “La novela Casa grande y la transformación de la sociedad chilena,” Anales de la Universidad de Chile, CXI, Nos. 69-72 (1948).

27

See Ricardo Valdés, “Sobre el siútico criollo,” Pacífico Magazine (January, 1919).

28

El Mercurio, January 14, 1919.

29

Ibid., January 14, 1919.

30

El Diario Ilustrado, May 19, 1919.

31

Macchiavello, Política económica nacional (1929).

32

El Mercurio, April 1, 1932. See also the January 24, 1933 edition, noting the election of Rafael Maluenda as president of the Unión de la Clase Media. The Unión was dedicated to maintaining the established order, and its membership agreed that class conflict could not be tolerated in Chile.

33

Silva, Nuestra evolución político-social, 1900-1930 (1930), p. 100.

34

Mistral, Becados contando a Chile (1957), pp. 92-93.

35

Ibid., p. 99.

36

Melfi, “La novela Casa grande.”

37

La Nación (Santiago daily and since 1927 the organ of the government), November 28, 1930.

38

Alarcón Pino, La clase media en Chile (1947. Memoria de Prueba), p. 95.

39

Ibid., pp. 98-99.

40

Pinto Salvatierra, La clase media y socialismo (1941), p. 9. A general thesis of the work is that middle-class political groups, such as the Democrat and Radical Parties, had by insincerely espousing socialism disgraced the socialist cause in Chile. See also the same author’s La lección tremenda (1933).

41

Vega, “La clase media en Chile,” in Materiales para el estudio de la clase media en la américa latina (Washington, D. C., 1950), p. 80.

42

Ibid., p. 87.

43

Heise González, La constitución de 1925, pp. 159, 161.

44

The following is an inexhaustive bibliography of works not mentioned in the text which indicate a belief by the respective authors that the middle class has in general sided with the aristocracy and ignored the interests of the lower mass. Oscar Álvarez Andrews, “Las clases sociales en Chile,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología, XIII, No. 2 (May-August, 1951). T. R. Crevenna, La clase media en Bolivia, Brasil, Chile y Paraguay (Washington, D. C., 1940). Jorge de la Cuadra Poisson, Prolegómenos a la sociología y bosquejo de la evolución de Chile desde 1920 (1957). This noted conservative author pays homage to social stand-pattism and to middle-class contributions to the cause. Luis Durand (d. 1954) has been one of Chile’s principal authors in this century and served as presidential secretary during the second Arturo Alessandri administration (1932-1938). Disillusioned with the middle-class betrayal of the lower classes, he joined the Partido Socialista Popular in the 1940’s, but soon became convinced that this party also was betraying its social mission. Two of Durand’s works are Alma y cuerpo de Chile (1947), a fine collection of short stories depicting national customs and traditions (one of the best sketches is entitled “El país del patrón y del sirviente”), and Frontera (1949 edition), considered his masterpiece. Alberto Edwards and Eduardo Frei, Historia de los partidos (see note 23). In describing political development from 1891 to 1949, Frei comments at length on the rapport between Chilean middle and upper classes and notes the insecurity and lack of permanence that characterize middle groups. J anuario Espinosa, “La clase media en la literatura chilena,” Atenea, Año X, No. 100 (August, 1933). Among other points, the author comments upon the importance of the founding (1905) of the weekly Zig Zag, claiming the journal was an outlet for Chilean middle-class expression. Zig Zag has almost always been characterized by its careful, if not stuffy, devotion to the values of the aristocracy. Amanda Labarca, “Apuntes para estudiar la clase media en Chile,” Atenea, Nos. 305 and 306 (November, December, 1950). Labarca argues that one of the main characteristics of Chilean middle-class members is their expectation of belonging to the upper class in the next generation. In the 1920-1950 period, says Labarca, when wielding political power, the middle class did virtually nothing to purify political processes or to aid the lower classes. Jaime Larraín García Moreno, Chile, avanzada de occidente en el Pacífico sur (1955) and Evolución social de Chile (1950). Aristocrat Larraín, who has shown strong fascistic leanings, favors strengthening the traditional ties between upper and middle classes. Pedro I. Ljubetic V. and Marcia Ortiz, Estudio sobre el origen y desarrollo del proletariado en Chile (1954. Memoria de Prueba). Enrique Molina, “Ciencia e intuición en el devenir social,” Atenea, Año XXII, No. 240 (June, 1945). Molina, an outstanding philosopherhumanist and for many years before his death in 1954 the rector of the University of Concepción, suggests that Chile’s failure to develop the discipline of sociology may lie in upper and middle-class lack of interest in the lower classes. In Confesión filosófica y llama a la supercación de la América hispana (1942), Molina also comments upon lack of middle-class attentiveness to lower-class problems. Benjamín Subercaseaux, Contribución a la realidad (1939). In a series of essays dealing with such topics as sex, the siútico, the rotos, Chilean psychology, and the dehumanization of the upper and middle classes, Subercaseaux provides the reader with one of the best portrayals of Chile and its people. Julio Vega, “Algunos características fundamentales del pueblo chileno,” Occidente (October, 1950). Carlos Vial, Cuaderno de comprensión social (1952) and Cuaderno de la realidad national (1952). A successful businessman and a frustrated Minister of Treasury in 1950, Vial blames the social problem upon ingrained attitudes of the upper and middle classes and in particular censures the Radical Party. Carlos Vicuña Fuentes, La tiranía en Chile, 2 vols. (1938, 1939). In volume I of this valuable but often impressionistic work Vicuña Fuentes, who since the early 1920’s championed reform and democracy, upbraids the middle class for its disassociation from the lower classes.

For a useful bibliography of Chilean works pertaining to the classes and to social mobility see Antonio Ruiz Urbina, Alejandro Zorbas S., and Luis Donoso Varela, Estratificación y movilidad sociales en Chile (Rio de Janeiro, 1961). This study of over 150 pages was sponsored by the Centro Latinoamericano de Investigaciones en Ciencias Sociales.

45

Instituto de Economía de la Universidad de Chile, Desarrollo económico de Chile, 1940-1956 (1956), pp. 111, 115, 116. Radical-Party economist Alberto Baltra “Los factores sociales y el desarrollo económico,” Panorama Económico, No. 182 (December, 1957), estimates that in the fifteen years previous to 1957 agricultural production increased 1.69% annually, while consumption of agricultural products went up 2.3%. See also Ministerio de Agricultura, La agricultura chilena en el quinquenio 1951-1955 (1957), p. 29.

46

Ernest Feder, ‘‘Feudalism and Agricultural Development: the Role of Controlled Credit in Chile’s Agriculture,” Land Economics, Vol. XXXVI, No. 1 (February, 1960), p. 92. Based in part on a research study entitled ‘‘Controlled Credit and Agricultural Development in Chile” to be published in Spanish by the Instituto de Economía de la Universidad de Chile, the Feder article is one of the best to be found on Chilean agriculture.

47

See Gene Ellis Martín, La división de la tierra en Chile central (1960), esp. pp. 11, 133-136. Martín’s excellent study was originally written as a doctoral dissertation at Syracuse University under the direction of Preston James, with research in Chile made possible in part by a Doherty Foundation grant. See also Thomas Frank Carroll, “Agricultural Development in Chile” (1951. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University).

48

The full title of the Venegas work is Sinceridad: Chile intimo en 1910. This remarkable work, one of the first to expose the social problem in Chile, was written under the pseudonym of Dr. J. Valdés Canje. Venegas feared that if the authorship of the book became known, he would lose his job as a teacher in the public school system.

49

El Mercurio, February 10, 1916.

50

See Amanda Labarca, Bases para una política educational (Buenos Aires, 1944); Historia de la enseñanza en Chile (1939) ; and Realidades y problemas de nuestra enseñanza (1953).

51

See Vega, “La clase media en Chile” (note 41). There is a lengthy list of works suggesting that the educational structure in Chile foments class prejudice, leading the middle class to shun labor and the laboring classes while striving to emulate the upper class. Some of these works are cited next. Carlos Atienza (National Director at the time of Secondary Teaching), “Entrevista,” La Natión, September 29, 1933. Atienza stated that Chilean secondary education produced only nonproductive entities with disdain for labor and technical proficiency. The middle groups were interested only in the humanities, as learning in this field enabled them to be taken for members of the aristocracy. Octavio Azócar Gauthier, La enseñanza industrial en relación con la economía national (1951). Eliodoro Domínguez, El problema de nuestra educación pública (1933). Domínguez, a prominent educator at the time, delivered a forceful indictment of Chilean instruction, in part because of the encouragement it offered to class prejudice. Florencio Durán Bernales, El Partido Radical (1958). This book has a good section on the educational reforms attempted by the Popular Front, 1939-1941. The reforms have had little lasting effect. Juan F. Fernández C., Pedro Aguirre Cerda y el Frente Popular chileno (1938). Eduardo Hamuy, “Problemas de educación elemental y desarrollo económico,” Economía: Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Económicas de la Universidad de Chile, Año XVIII, Nos. 60 and 61 (3°, 4° trimestres, 1958). Hamuy is one of the best informed writers on Chilean education. Amanda Labarca, “Educación,” in Humberto Fuenzalida Villegas, et al., Chile: geografía, educación, literatura, legislación, economía, minería (Buenos Aires, 1946). Written by some of the leading Chilean authorities in their respective fields, this book reaches generally pessimistic conclusions. E. Maguire Ibar, Formación racial chilena y futuras proyecciones (1949. Memoria de Prueba). Particularly on p. 53, Maguire laments the impractical nature of Chilean education, holding this to be responsible in part for the lack of a stable middle class with its own traditions and values. Luciano Martínez Echemendia, “Necesidad de transformar todas las escuelas tradicionales o intelectuales en las escuelas progresivas,” in Segunda conferencia inter-americana de educación, Vol. II (1934). Roberto Munizaga Aguirre, El estado y la educación (1953). Moisés Mussa, “Chile necesita de una política educacional,” Occidente (April, 1949), and “Nuestra educación y la realidad económica de Chile,” ibid. (March, 1945). In these articles, another prominent educator argues that the antiquated educational structure accounts for much of Chile’s economic backwardness and for the preservation of an archaic social structure. Octavio Palma, José Herrera, and María Etcheverry, El problema de la enseñanza científica en el liceo (1958). Antenor Rojo, “La educación pública y la realidad económica de Chile,” Occidente (January, 1951). The article criticizes the almost exclusively humanistic curriculum of secondary education. Julio Vega, Bosquejo de una política educacional (1938) and La racionalización de nuestra enseñanza (1954). Vega feels that the 1928 educational reforms of the Carlos Ibáñez administration represented almost the only attempt to rectify the shortcomings of Chilean education and regrets the failure of the endeavor to produce lasting results.

52

The Palacios work was published first in 1911.

53

The racist slant is particularly strong in Vol. III, chapters 3, 4, and 5 of Encina, Historia de Chile desde la prehistoria hasta 1891 (1943). The twentieth and last volume of this work was published in 1952.

54

Jobet, “Notas sobre la historiografía,” in Ricardo Donoso, et al., Historiografía chilena (1949), pp. 354-355.

55

Keller contributed the principal intellectual force to the Nazi movement in Chile.

56

Keller and Edwards were both strongly influenced by Oswald Spengler’s El hombre y el técnico which preached the supremacy of white over colored races. This book, the most widely read of Spengler’s in Chile, appeared in its first Santiago edition in 1932. Three years later, the third edition was already exhausted.

57

The following is a partial list of works not referred to in the text that display or comment upon the prevailing anti-Indian bias in Chile. Jerónimo de Amberga, “Estado intelectual, moral, y económico de Araucano,” Revista Chilena de Historic: y Geografia, XLV (3° trimestre, 1913). This presented a pessimistic appraisal of the Araucanians. Renato Donoso Henríquez, Consideraciones acerca del problema inmigratorio (1928). Donoso urged that Chile encourage foreign immigration, as the native Indians and mixed-bloods were inferior. Joaquín Edwards Bello, El nacionalismo continental, with a prologue by Gabriela Mistral (1935). Brilliant journalist and novelist Edwards urged Chileans to follow Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre and the Aprista movement, but conceded that the anti-Indian bias in Chile would impede this course of action. Tomás Guevara, for many years an influential professor at the University of Chile, openly professed the inferiority of the Indians. Among Guevara’s many works on the Indians of Chile, several of which were first published in the Anales de la Universidad de Chile, are: La etnología araucana en el poema de Ercilla (1924); Folklore araucano (1911); Historia de la justicia araucana (1922); La mentalidad araucana (1916); Psicologia del pueblo araucano (1908); and Raza chilena (1905). Carlos Larraín de Castro, “Carta a Omer Emeth,” El Mercurio, May 29, 1927. Larraín argued that the Chilean race was superior to that of other Latin American republics because the conquerors and seventeenth-century Basque merchants largely refrained from marrying the Indians. Emeth, a French priest whose real name was Emilio Vaïsse and who for years was the leading literary critic in Chile, agreed in general. However, he cautioned that the Basques were not quite the super-race sometimes pictured, as they were “tainted” by Jewish blood. Jaime Larraín García Moreno, Chile, avanzada de occidente en el Pacífico sur (1955). Larraín discussed the inferiority of Indian blood (pp. 26-27), and stated that the genius of Diego Portales was most apparent in his desire in 1837 to crush the Bolivia-Peru confederation led by General Andrés Santa Cruz. This confederation might have imposed Indian rule over white Chile. Ricardo E. Latcham, Prehistoria chilena (1936 edition) and Los primitivos habitantes de Chile (1939 edition). In these and other works Latcham, a British engineer turned ecologist whose writings appeared in their original editions around the turn of the century, defended the Indians and asserted that Chilean prejudices against them were unjustified. Rodolfo Lenz, a German professor of languages at the University of Chile, often expressed indignation over the anti-Indian biases which he encountered in Chile. See his Estudios araucanos (1897) and Estudios sobre los indios de Chile (1924). One of the most active combatants of Indian prejudice in mid-twentieth century Chile has been Alejandro Lipschutz, an intellectual of German-Jewish extraction noted for his far-left political ideas. See his La comunidad indígena en América y en Chile (1956) and El indoamericanismo y el problema racial en las americas (1944). Wilhelm de Moesbach, Vida y costumbres de los indígenas araucanas en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX (1936 edition). In the prologue which he wrote to this edition of the classic study, Rodolfo Lenz stressed that the vices and faults often noted by Moesbach were the result of the unjust treatment which the Indians had received, and not, as commonly assumed, the consequences of racial inferiority. Carlos Munizaga A., Vida de un araucano: el estudiante mapuche (1960). The work revealed some of the tribulations faced by an Araucanian as of the 1950’s in his quest for education. J. M. Muñoz, Estudio de antropología jurídica o medicina legal (1912). The work commented at length on the common Chilean assumption of Indian inferiority. Carlos Oliver Schneider, Los indios de Chile: lo que actualmente se sabe sobre ellos (1932). The work argued that the Indians might not be, as it was overwhelmingly assumed in Chile that they were, hopelessly degenerate and racially inferior. Through education, the author felt, Indians could be assimilated into society. Emilio Rodríguez Mendoza, “Arauco y la leyenda,” El Mercurio, July 8, 1910. Rodríguez, then at the beginning of a distinguished career in journalism and diplomacy, asserted the unreliability of those portions of the Alonso de Ercilla epic poem, “La Araucana,” which glorified the Indians. Rather, the Araucanians were said to have been always inferior. The same thesis was advanced by Eduardo Solar Correa, Semblanzas literarias de la colonia (1933). Benjamín Subercaseaux, “¿Hay prejuicio racial en Chile?” Zig Zag, October 12, 1957. Subercaseaux replies to the question with a strong affirmative. Victor de Valdivia (pseud.), La europeanización de Sudamérica (1923) and El imperio ibero-americano (Paris, 1929). The author, a long-time University of Chile professor, maintained that increasing Europeanization was the only hope for Latin America. He believed that Indians were racially inferior and that their blood corrupted those who shared it.

58

León Alterman P., El movimiento demográfico en Chile (1946), p. 60.

59

Enrique L. Marshall, Los araucanos ante el derecho penal (1917. Memoria de Prueba), p. 41.

60

E. Maguire Ibar, Formación racial chilena (1949), pp. 13, 64.

61

Arturo Ahumada, quoted in El Mercurio, March 4, 1928.

62

Onofre Lindsay, El problema fundamental: la repoblación de Chile y los estados unidos de Sudamérica (1925), p. 38.

63

Francisco Javier Díaz Salazar, La influencia racial en la actividad económica de los indígenas chilenos (1940. Memoria de Prueba), p. 13.

64

Humberto Gacitúa Vergara, Estudio social y consideraciones legales del problema indígena en Chile (1916. Memoria de Prueba), p. 4.

65

José Inalaf Navarro, Rol económico, social, y político del indígena en Chile (1945. Memoria de Prueba), p. 9.

66

Cámara de Diputados, Boletín de sesiones extraordinarias, 1929, Sesión 15°, November 20.

67

Subercaseaux, “La super gente bien,” Zig Zag, March 27, 1954, p. 51.

Author notes

*

The author is an associate professor of history at the University of Notre Dame. A Doherty Foundation grant enabled him to conduct research in Chile, 1959-1960. Much of the material in this article is developed more fully in the book Chile and the United States, 1880-1962: Emergence of the Social Crisis, a forthcoming publication of the University of Notre Dame Press.