.... Though slight in weight, the work is bold in fresh interpretations about how natives shaped cross- cultural encounters in the early colonial era. Drawing on history and anthro- pology, Viveiros de Castro examines the religious transformations that resulted from the meeting of two worlds—the Tupi...

... to be very old. American Society for Ethnohistory 2000 Balée, W. 1984a The Ecology of Ancient Tupi Warfare. In Warfare, Culture, and Environment . R. B. Ferguson, ed. Pp. 241 -65. Orlando, fl:Academic. 1984b The Persistence of Ka'apor Culture. Ph.D. diss. , Columbia University. 1985...

... Nacionales de H. Kraus. Clastres, Hélène 1975 La terre sans mal: Le prophétisme tupi-guarani . Paris: Seuil. 1995 The Land-without-Evil: Tupí-Guaraní Prophetism . Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Combès, Isabelle, and Thierry Saignes 1991 Alter ego: Naissance de l'identité...

... peoples in terms of their seeking alliances and funding from outside allies, adapting institutions and social organization, and reconstructing self-representations for securing and managing their territories. Drawing from long-term research among the Kaiabi (Tupi-Guarani) indigenous people, we compare...

... relações com a bacia do Paraná e o Sul mato-grossense. In História dos índios no Brasil . Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, ed. Pp. 457 -74. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Clastres, Hélène 1975 La terre sans mal: Le prophétisme tupi-guarani . Paris: Seuil. Clastres, Pierre 1980 Recherches...

... not speak Tupi languages. This is important because a preexisting Tupi-related base had a significant influence in the unfolding of Portuguese conquest and colonization. Another shared trait of Marajó and Itapecuru societies was their social organization, as some autonomous and seminomadic groups occupied...

... in order to claim new lands for settlement, trade, and mining. A more sustained documentary record of Jê peoples accompanied this renewal of conquest. Within the linguistically ascribed ethnonyms of Tupi and Tapuia existed numerous subgroups. Portuguese settlers ascribed to Jê speakers residing in what...

... to that which is forgotten. Rather than view these possibilities as irreconcilable oppo- sites, I focus on a type of historical consciousness that is produced through a mode of ritualized forgetting. The Kayabi, a Tupi-Guarani–speaking Brazilian-Amazonian people, explain several aspects of their mortuary...

..., appropriations, and dialogues. The authors in these sections examine ways in which native individuals and groups stepped into interpretative spaces to create, in conversation with friars and secular priests and Catholic texts and traditions, their own Christianities. M. Kittiya Lee argues that native Tupi...

... dominant Tupi area, especially once the Tupi groups moved downstream and broke up the non-Tupi riverbank societies. Certainly, the report highlights interethnic conflicts, rather than alliances, up and down the river. A 1762 report from Villa Franca appears to confirm this, remarking on the reluctance...

... is. 3 Such as that the Tupi-speaking peoples of the coast, at the time of their first en- counters with the Europeans, ‘‘were taking the first steps in the agricultural revo- lution, emerging thus from their paleolithic state...

.... Indeed, the volume’s examination of Christian concepts translated into Yucatec and K’iche’ Maya, Tarascan, Nahuatl, Quechua, Guarani, Tupi, and Chiquitano is one of its greatest strengths and contributions, allowing readers ample opportunity to compare strategies employed in the various regions...

... to the relation between objects and personhood. This part presents essays by Stephen Hugh-­Jones on the Tukanoan myth of creation ex nihilo that he uses to prove a complementary cosmology to that presented by Viveiros de Castro among the Tupi and that helps him make the case for the diver- sity...

... of Portuguese settler colonialism in Brazil. Monteiro first traces the transformation of Portuguese-Native relations from a system of barter to one dominated by slavery. Unlike some areas of the Americas, where indigenous practices of captive taking brought Native captives into European hands, the Tupi...

... events during the earliest French-Indigenous contacts, Carayon concludes that full sign languages were likely possessed by the Galibi of Guiana and the Wendat (Huron) and Mi’kmaq of Canada; analyses of Tupí-Guaraní and Taíno signing are inconclusive. Scholars should note that Carayon’s broad scope does...

..., “Viajes,” 542. All translations are mine. 2 Frič and Fričová, Guido Boggiani , 30–35. 3 Boggiani, “Viajes,” 531, 533, 537–38. 4 Boggiani, Os Caduveos , 118, 243. 5 For Brazil, see Carneiro da Cunha, “Política indigenista”; Monteiro, Tupis, tapuias e historiadores , chaps...

...- gories had more to do with Portuguese categories than the way indigenous societies thought of themselves. He takes on Hélène and Pierre Clastres, arguing that the ‘‘land without evil’’ earthly paradise concept of the Tupí probably...

..., no. 16. 325 pp., index, bibliography. $75.00 cloth, $25.00 paper.) Frank Salomon, University of Wisconsin–Madison “Tupi or not Tupi, that is the question.” With this dinner-table zinger, Oswald de Andrade challenged his contemporaries to decide whether they would recognize Amerindian...

..., no. 16. 325 pp., index, bibliography. $75.00 cloth, $25.00 paper.) Frank Salomon, University of Wisconsin–Madison “Tupi or not Tupi, that is the question.” With this dinner-table zinger, Oswald de Andrade challenged his contemporaries to decide whether they would recognize Amerindian...

..., no. 16. 325 pp., index, bibliography. $75.00 cloth, $25.00 paper.) Frank Salomon, University of Wisconsin–Madison “Tupi or not Tupi, that is the question.” With this dinner-table zinger, Oswald de Andrade challenged his contemporaries to decide whether they would recognize Amerindian...