Abstract

Between 1838 and 1876 New Jersey market gardeners embraced new technologies and methods of cultivation to overcome the obstacles that space and seasonality placed in the way of marketing produce in New York City and Philadelphia. Farmers used technologies like the railroad, the tin can, and the hot bed to alter both seasonal growth cycles and the spatial arrangements between producers and consumers. Through strategies used to manage time and space, these farmers participated in the larger process of modernization that occurred throughout the United States and Europe in the nineteenth century. The fact that modernization was a rural process that market gardeners actively encouraged is important because geographers and social theorists typically define modernization and related issues of time and space as urban phenomena connected to large-scale industrial capitalism. This paper shows that New Jersey's market gardeners encouraged innovative technologies and contributed to the development of modern industrial culture.

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NOTES

1. Edmund Morris,
Ten Acres Enough: A Practical Experience Showing How a Very Small Farm May Be Made to Keep a Very Large Family
(
1864
; repr.,
New York
:
Orange Judd
,
1916
). Although Morris wrote this book as a fiction, Loren C. Owings claims that the information in it accurately depicts both Morris's life and the agricultural conditions of nineteenth-century New Jersey. Owings,
Quest for Walden: A Study of the “Country Book” in American Popular Literature
(
London
:
McFarland
,
1997
).
2. Morris,
Ten Acres
,
32
. In chapter three Morris discusses the keys to a good location, explaining, among other things, the importance of transportation.
3. David Harvey,
The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into theOrigins of Cultural Change
(
Cambridge
:
Blackwell
,
1990
),
216
; Wolfgang Schivelbusch,
Disenchanted Night: The Industrialization of Light in the Nineteenth Century
(
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1995
); Schivelbusch,
The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the Nineteenth Century
(
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1987
). Industrial time-work rhythms also affected notions of time that were not directly related to space. E. P. Thompson,
“Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,”
Past and Present
38
(
Dec.
1967
):
56
97
, shows how a new sense of work time was critical to industrialization. For a broader description of social space and the construction of spatial systems, see, Henri Lefebvre,
The Production of Space
, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (
Oxford
:
Blackwell
,
1991
).
4. Harvey,
Postmodernity
,
25
,
255
57
. See, Miriam R. Levin et al.,
Urban Modernity: Cultural Innovation in the Second Industrial Revolution
(
Cambridge
:
MIT Press
,
2010
) for essays that place the development of modernity in the hands of urban elites. Michel de Certeau,
The Practice of Everyday Life
(
Berkeley
:
University of California Press
,
1984
),
95
; Marshall Berman,
All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity
(
New York
:
Penguin
,
1982
),
131
34
,
150
.
5. Pedro Lains and Vicente Pinilla, eds.,
Agriculture and Economic Development in Europe since 1870
(
New York
:
Routledge
,
2009
). For farmers participating in modernization, see, for example, Gabriella Petrick,
“‘Like Ribbons of Green and Gold’: Industrializing Lettuce and the Quest for Quality in the Salinas Valley, 1920–1965,”
Agricultural History
80
(Fall
2006
):
269
95
.
6. Peter Kalm,
The America of 1750; Peter Kalm's Travels in North America: The English Version of 1770
, trans. Adolph B. Benson (
1937
; repr.,
New York
:
Dover
,
1966
),
95
; William Strickland,
Journal of a Tour in the United States of America, 1794–1795
, ed. J. E. Strickland (
New York
:
New York Historical Society
,
1971
),
41
. For a more detailed description of early nineteenth-century market gardeners outside New York City, see, Marc Linder and Lawrence S. Zacharias,
Of Cabbages and Kings County: Agriculture and the Formation of Modern rooklyn
(
Iowa City
:
University of Iowa Press
,
1999
),
29
44
. J. Thomas Scharf and Thompson Westcott,
History of Philadelphia, 1609–1884
(
Philadelphia
:
L. H. Everts
,
1884
),
2,188
; James J. Mapes,
“New Jersey Agricultural Society,”
Working Farmer
7
(
Mar.
1
,
1855
):
4
.
7. Peter Henderson et al.,
Gardening for Profit: A Guide to the Successful Cultivation of the Market and Family Garden
(
1867
; repr.,
Chillicothe, Ill.
:
American Botanist
,
1991
),
xxxi
,
xxvi
.
8. Hubert G. Schmidt,
Rural Hunterdon: An Agricultural History
(
New Brunswick
:
Rutgers University Press
,
1945
),
174
75
. See, also, Percy Wells Bidwell,
History of Agriculture in the Northern United States
(
Washington, DC
:
Carnegie Institute of Washington
,
1925
),
249
; Henderson,
Gardening for Profit
,
xxx
,
xxxii
xxxiv
.
9. Schmidt,
Rural Hunterdon
,
126
27
,
129
; John Taylor,
Arator: Being a Series of Agricultural Essays, Practical and Political: In Sixty-One Numbers
(
Georgetown
:
J. M. Carter
,
1814
),
230
31
; Henderson,
Gardening for Profit
,
xxxi
; Carl R. Woodward,
“Agricultural Legislation in Colonial New Jersey,”
Agricultural History
3
(Winter
1929
):
15
28
; U. P. Hedrick,
A History of Horticulture in America to 1860
(
New York
:
Oxford University Press
,
1950
),
151
62
,
210
15
. The New Jersey Farmer, a nineteenth-century periodical published in Trenton, often commented on the poor state of New Jersey orchards. In a regular section entitled “Fruit Grower,” columnists lamented the poor production of New Jersey orchards, compared to the well-maintained European orchards. David H. Diamond,
“Origins of Pioneer Apple Orchards in the American West: Random Seeding versus Artisan Horticulture,”
Agricultural History
84
(Fall
2010
):
425
, noted that few farmers sold fruit from trees before the Revolutionary War.
10. New Jersey Raw Data, United States Census Bureau (1860), retrieved from the Hagley Library. Raw census returns show which farmers exchanged produce for cash and how much they earned each year. While farmers throughout the state grew fruit and vegetables for sale, the farmers in Gloucester, Camden, Burlington, and Hunterdon counties near Philadelphia and Monmouth and Hudson counties near New York City engaged in this practice more frequently than other farmers.
11. Francis Bazley Lee,
New Jersey as a Colony and a State: One of the Original Thirteen
,
4
vols. (
New York
:
Publishing Society of New Jersey
,
1902
),
3
:
189
,
206
; Brooke Hindle and Steven Lubar,
Engines of Change: The American Industrial Revolution, 1790–1860
(
Washington, DC
:
Smithsonian
,
1986
),
129
.
12. Hedrick,
History of Horticulture
,
241
;
Report of the Joint Board of Directors, to the Stockholders of theDelaware and Raritan Canal, Camden and Amboy Rail Road
… (
Princeton
:
Robert E. Horner
,
1840
),
11
. The report claims that farmers requested specific service for their agricultural products.
13. Edward Atkinson,
The Railroad and the Farmer: Nos. One and Two
(
New York
:
J. H. Reall
,
1883
),
4
; Elwood Morris,
“On a New Application of Railways,”
American Railroad Journal
16
(
Aug.
1843
):
307
308
; Edith Loring Jones Fullerton,
The Lure of the Land
… (
New York
:
Long Island Railroad
,
1909
).
14. Atkinson,
Railroad and the Farmer
,
47
. See, also, John B. Jervis,
Railway Property. A Treatise on the Construction and Management of Railways
(
New York
:
Phinney, Blakeman & Mason
,
1861
); James L. McCorkle Jr.,
“Moving Perishables to Market: Southern Railroads and the Nineteenth-Century Origins of Southern Truck Farming,”
Agricultural History
66
(Winter
1992
):
42
62
.
15. Morris,
Ten Acres
,
139
40
; Schmidt,
Rural Hunterdon
,
174
75
.
16.
US Census Bureau
,
Compendium of the Sixth Census
(
Washington, DC
:
GPO
,
1841
);
US Census Bureau
,
Compendium of the Ninth Census
(
Washington, DC
:
GPO
,
1870
). The author used an inflation calculator to determine that inflation accounted for approximately $190,000 of New Jersey's increase and $100,000 of the increase in the counties near Philadelphia and New York City between 1840 and 1870. So, inflation represents approximately 4.5 percent of the increase in value of orchard and market garden products between 1840 and 1870. For a contemporary interpretation of the US census data, see,
New Jersey State Agricultural Society
,
Annual Report of the New Jersey State Agricultural Society for the Year 1873, to the Legislature of New Jersey
(
Newark
:
Evening Courier
,
1873
),
20
. The report points out that the average farm size had decreased over the previous twenty-five years due to the focus on fruits and vegetables.
17.
New Jersey State Agricultural Society
,
Annual Report
,
129
31
; Hedrick,
History of Horticulture
,
214
15
.
18. Thomas W. Field,
Pear Culture: A Manual for the Propagation, Planting, Cultivation, and Management of the Pear Tree
(
New York
:
A. O. Moore
,
1858
),
263
.
19. George H. Cook,
Report on the Geology and Agricultural Resources of the Southern Division of the State
(
Trenton
:
House of Assembly
,
1857
),
13
; Jimmy M. Skaggs,
The Great Guano Rush: Entrepreneurs and American Overseas Expansion
(
New York
:
St. Martin
's,
1994
),
9
; Linder and Zacharias,
Cabbages and Kings County
,
44
51
; Henderson,
Gardening for Profit
,
12
15
; Morris,
Ten Acres
,
93
,
115
.
20. Morris,
Ten Acres
,
77
78
.
21. For discussions of soil types and south-facing farms, see, Burnet Landreth,
Market Gardening and Farm Notes, Experiences and Observations
(
New York
:
Orange Judd
,
1893
),
7
,
17
; William Crozier and Peter Henderson,
How the Farm Pays. The Experiences of Forty Years of Successful Farming and Gardening By the Authors
(
New York
:
Peter Henderson
,
1884
),
301
,
336
,
371
; Morris,
Ten Acres
,
33
; Bidwell,
History of Agriculture
,
203
; Charles W. Dickerman and Charles Louis Flint,
How to Make the Farm Pay
… (
Philadelphia
:
Ziegler, McCurdy
,
1870
),
632
; Henderson,
Gardening for Profit
,
20
.
22. C. W. Shaw,
The Kitchen and Market Garden
(
London
:
Crosby Lockwood
,
1882
),
31
33
; Landreth,
Market Gardening
,
84
94
; Dickerman and Flint,
How to Make the Farm Pay
,
633
34
; Will W. Tracy,
Tomato Culture
(
New York
:
Orange Judd
,
1907
),
51
57
; Mapes,
“New Jersey Agricultural Society.”
For a more recent discussion of the transition from heating systems based on manure decomposition to steam, see, Terence Young,
“From Manure to Steam: The Transformation of Greenhouse Heating in the United States, 1870–1900,”
Agricultural History
72
(Summer
1998
):
574
96
.
23. Dickerman and Flint,
How to Make the Farm Pay
,
633
34
.
24. Morris,
Ten Acres
,
172
,
134
.
25. Kalm describes the process of evaporating fruit and making brandy in his diary. Kalm,
America of 1750
,
41
,
51
. Sue Shephard,
Pickled, Potted, & Canned: How the Art and Science of Food Preserving Changed the World
(
New York
:
Simon & Schuster
,
2001
).
26. Mary B. Sim,
Commercial Canning in New Jersey: History and Early Development
(
Trenton
:
New Jersey Agricultural Society
,
1951
),
40
. Also see, for example, Gabriella Petrick,
“An Ambivalent Diet: The Industrialization of Canning,”
Magazine of History
24
(
July
2010
):
35
38
; Tom Dicke,
“Red Gold of the Ozarks: The Rise andDecline of Tomato Canning, 1885–1955,”
Agricultural History
79
(Winter
2005
):
1
26
; James H. Collins,
The Story of Canned Foods
(
New York
:
E. P. Dutton
,
1924
). David B. Skillman,
The Biography of a College; Being the History of the First Century of the Life of Lafayette College
, vol.
1
(
Easton
:
Lafayette College
,
1932
),
179
80
.
27. Sim,
Commercial Canning
,
41
57
. For a history of the North American Phalanx, see, Eric R. Schirber,
“The North American Phalanx, 1843–1855”
(
master's thesis
,
Trinity College
,
1972
).
28. Sim,
Commercial Canning
,
30
31
; Mary Loretta Sullivan and Ethel Erickson,
Women's Employment in Vegetable Canneries in Delaware
(
Washington, DC
:
GPO
,
1927
),
19
20
.
29.
The History of the Metal Can & Its Service to Man
(
Washington, DC
:
Can Manufacturers Institute
,
1960
),
1
; Sim,
Commercial Canning
. The short biographies of canners in Sim's book show that many early canners were gardeners.
30. The Hagley Museum and Archive has a number of these can catalogues. The seventh US Census in 1850 found almost twelve thousand tinsmiths.
US Census Bureau
,
The Seventh Census, 1850
(
Washington, DC
:
Robert Armstrong
,
1853
),
lxxvii
; John D. Cox,
“The Evolution of Tomato Canning Machinery,”
in
A History of the Canning Industry by its Most Prominent Men
, ed. Arthur I. Judge (
Baltimore
:
National Canners Association
,
1914
); Sullivan and Erickson,
Women's Employment
,
20
22
.
31.
“Canning Fruits and Vegetables. The Thurber Establishment at Moorestown, New Jersey,”
Frank Leslie's Illustrated
,
Oct.
18
,
1879
,
115
16
.
32. Ibid.; Andrew F. Smith,
Pure Ketchup: A History of America's National Condiment with Recipes
(
Columbia
:
University of South Carolina Press
,
1996
),
34
.
33.
Commercial Publishing Co.
,
Historical and Industrial Review of Camden, New Jersey
(
New York
:
Commercial
,
1890
),
221
; Douglas Collins,
America's Favorite Food: The Story of Campbell Soup Company
(
New York
:
Harry N. Abrams
,
1994
),
29
.
34. Alfred Heston,
Jersey Wagon Jaunts: New Stories of New Jersey
(
Camden, NJ
:
Atlantic County Historical Society
,
1926
),
310
.